geological  3eQl/ 


PRINCETON,  N.  J 


Division 


Section 


Number , 


I 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/mexicounitedstatOOabbo 


MEXICO, 


AND 


THE  UNITED  STATES; 


THEIR  MUTUAL  RELATIONS 


AND 


COMMON  INTEKESTS. 


GORHAM 


D. 


BY 

ABBOT, 


LL.  D. 


WITH  PORTRAITS  OH  STEEL  OF  JUAREZ  AND  ROMERO, 
AND  COLORED  MAPS. 


NEW  YORK: 

G.  P.  PUTNAM  & SON,  661  BROADWAY. 
1869. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1869,  by 
G.  P.  PUTNAM  & SON, 

in  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  Pork. 


THE  TROW  & SMITH 
BOOK  MANUFACTURING  CC., 
46,  48,  50  Greene  St.,  N.  Y. 


PREFACE. 


This  work  originated  in  an  examination,  some  years  since,  of 
the  geographical  relations  of  our  own, — the  middle  continent, — 
to  the  continents  of  Europe  and  Asia  ; and,  of  the  prospective  in- 
fluence and  effect  of  the  institutions,  political,  civil,  and  religious, 
of  our  country,  upon  the  progress  of  civilization  and  Christianity 
in  the  Old  World. 

The  events  of  the  last  decade,  have  irresistibly  drawn  still 
farther  attention  to  the  subject,  and  especially  to  the  great  Isth- 
mus section  between  the  continents — the  key  to  the  future  of  the 
hemisphere. 

It  is  impossible  to  understand  the  real  characters,  or  the 
real  merits  of  the  conflict  in  Mexico,  without  considering  certain 
great  historic  facts  and  events,  which,  though  remote  in  their 
origin,  have  been  potent  causes  of  the  great  final  results. 

The  germs  of  the  difficulty  were  planted  as  long  ago  as  the 
conquest; — indeed,  their  origin  dates  back  a thousand  years. 
During  the  last  three  hundred  and  fifty  years,  the  development 
of  the  original  evils,  in  the  governmental  policy  of  Mexico,  has 
made  that  land  almost  a Golgotha  among  the  nations. 

The  object  of  this  work  is,  to  present  a sketch  of  the  history 
and  progress  of  events  in  Mexico,  as  briefly  as  possible,  in  order 
to  show  the  connection  and  relations  of  the  past  with  th e present  ’} 
together  with  such  a condensed  view  of  the  principles  and  acts 
of  the  different  parties,  as  may  aid  in  forming  a definite  and  cor- 
rect idea  of  the  real  living  issues  of  the  contest ; and,  in  indica- 
ting- the  true,  international  policy,  which  the  mutual  interests  of 
Mexico  and  of  the  United  States  require. 

The  work  will  not  be  in  vain,  if  it  shall  contribute,  in  any 


IV 


PREFACE. 


degree,  to  correct  erroneous  impressions,  cr  misrepresentations  in 
regard  to  the  principles  and  acts  of  the  liberal,  republican  patriots 
of  Mexico  ; or,  to  encourage  or  cheer  them  in  their  great  work ; 
or,  to  show  that,  like  Washington  and  the  Fathers  of  our  Repub 
lie,  they  are  struggling  not  for  themselves  alone,  but  are  fighting 
^‘‘Freedom’s  Battle”  for  all  mankind,  and  for  posterity  ; or,  to 
throw  any  light  upon  our  great  continental  questions,  which,  in 
other  forms,  are  now  marshalling,  all  over  the  world,  the  antag- 
onistic forces  of  old  despotisms,  and  of  the  progressive  civilization 
of  the  age. 

The  original  intention  was  to  include  in  this  volume,  the  con- 
secutive history  down  to  the  present  day,  and,  in  an  appendix, 
certain  illustrative  historical  documents.  The  limits  of  the 
work,  and  the  extent  of  the  materials  forbade.  It  was  found 
impossible  to  embrace  any  more  of  the  constitutional  history, 
than  the  period,  from  the  original  project  in  'lS2i,  down  to  the 
final  adoption  of  the  present  constitution  of  the  Republic  in 
1359. 

The  continuation  involves  the  history  of  the  Intervention,  and 
of  the  policy  and  action  of  the  Great  Powers, — England,  France, 
Spain,  Austria,  and  Rome, — during  the  last  ten  years,  a period 
which  has  called  forth  in  Europe,  more  than  sixty  publications, 
volumes  and  pamphlets,  on  the  subject. 

The  history  of  this  period,  political  and  military,  is  too  im- 
portant to  be  slightly  or  superficially  attempted. 

A full  and  fair  exposition  of  the  present  status,  resources,  and 
prospects  of  Mexico,  deserves  a volume  in  itself.  These  will  un- 
doubtedly, sooner  or  later,  be  given  to  the  world. 

GORHAM  D.  ABBOT. 


New  York,  January , 1869. 


CONTENTS. 


PART  I. 

THE  GREAT  QUESTION  OP  THE  AVESTERN  HEMISPHERE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

GENERAL  VIEWS  OF  THE  WESTERN  CONTINENT,  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  AND  OF 

MEXICO. 

PAGES. 

The  Great  “'Western”  Question — The  Continents  of  America — 

The  Relations  of  the  Continents — North  America:  Territorial 
Characteristics — The  United  States — The  Great  Valley — Geograph- 
ical Relations  and  Institutions — Mexico : Territorial  Extent  and 
Physical  Characteristics — The  Republic  of  Mexico — Extent  of 
Territory — The  Mexican  States — Area  of  Territory — Physical 
Characteristics  and  Conditions — Areas  of  United  States,  east  of 
Mississippi — Population  in  1860 — Area  of  Mexican  States — Pop- 
ulation in  I860 - 1-0 


CHAPTER  IL 

MEXICO  UNDER  THE  ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION. — HISTORICAL  SKETCH. 

Ancient  Mexico  prior  to  1520 — Early  History — TheToltecs,  a.  d.  700 — 

The  Aztecs  a.  d.  1200 — Wars  of  the  Dynasties — The  Montezumas— 

The  Aztec  Indians — Indian  Rimes — Population — Personal  Appear- 
ance and  Disposition  of  the  Aztecs — Portrait  of  the  Mexicans — 
Mental  Character — Moral  Traits — The  Ancient  Civilization — 
Agriculture— Evidences  of  a High  Civilization 9-15 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. — GENERAL  VIEW. 

Sketch  of  the  Conquest,  1520 — Character  of  the  Enterprise — The  Con- 
quest and  the  Conquerors — Character  and  Objects  of  Emigrants — 

Spain  and  her  Victims — Historic  Associations — The  Great  Tragedy 
of  the  XVIth  Century— The  Attempted  Repetition  in  the  XIXth. — 

The  European  Plot — Its  End  Forever 15-19 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

THE  RELIGIOUS  ELEMENT  IN  THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 

Achievements  of  the  Spanish  Monarchy,  1200-1800 — Alfonzo  X.  the 
Wise,  125G — His  Code  of  Laws — Spanish  Translation  of  the  Bible, 
1270 — Pope  Alexander  VI.  1492 — The  Title  Deed  to  North  and 
South  America — The  Pope  to  the  King — The  Spirit  of  Discovery 
and  Exploration — The  Conquest,  a Crusade — Pope  Alexander  VI. 
— Testimony  of  Historians 


PART  II. 

MEXICO  UNDER  THE  DOMINION  OF  SPAIN — 1520-1808. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  VICEROYS. 

Colonial  Policy— Repartimientos — The  Council  of  the  Indies — Power 
and  Policy  of  the  Council — Administration  of  Justice — Social  Re- 
strictions— The  System  of  Fueros — General  Colonial  Administration 
— Commercial  Restrictions — The  Revenue  System — The  Royal 
Revenue — The  Revenue  Bulls — The  Ecclesiastical  Revenues  — 
Clerical  Fueros — Clerical  Financiers — Alcabala — Spirit  of  the  Colo- 
nial Government 


CHAPTER  II. 

POLITICAL  RELATIONS  OF  SPAIN  AND  MEXICO. 

French  Intervention  in  Spain — Alliance  of  EDgland  and  Spain — The 
Constitution  of  1812 — The  Reactionary  Movement — Tyranny  of 
the  King — Revolt  of  the  Army — Duplicity  of  the  King— The 
King,  the  Royalists,  and  the  Church  Party — The  Church  Militant 
— The  Defeat  of  Despotism — Intervention  of  the  Holy  Alliance — 
Measures  of  the  Restored  King — Vengeance — Effect  of  the  Revolu- 
tion in  the  Colonies — Proposed  Compromise — Antipathy  of  Races 
— Conquest — Subjugation  and  Outrage — Colonial  Government — 
Loyalty — Rise  of  Mexican  Ideas  of  Independence — Aspirations 
after  Freedom — The  First  Cry  for  Liberty — The  Uprising  of  the 
Aztecs — The  Aztec  Volunteers 


PAGES.  , 


19-27 


27-36 


36-43 


CONTENTS. 


Yll 


CHAPTER  III. 


IDENTITY  OF  THE  POLITICAL  PP.INCIPLES  OF  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  REPUBLI- 
CANS. 


Origin  of  t!ie  Great  American  Ideas— Germs  from  English  Soil — The 
Outgrowths,  American — The  Family  of  Kings  and  the  Family  of 
Man — Despotism  in  America — The  Intolerable  Yoke — European 
Example— Sympathy  Misplaced — The  Conquest  and  Early  History 
of  Great  Britain — Ancestors  of  Englishmen — Ungenerous  Accusa- 
tions— Civil  Wars  of  England — The  First  Great  English  Revolution, 

1640 — The  great  Magna  Charta — Constitutional  Monarchy — Popu- 
lar Rights  and  Liberties — Fruits  of  False  Principles — The  Divine 
Right  and  Human  Rights — Liberty  and  Law — The  Second  Great 
English  Revolution,  1688 — The  Old  Conflict  continued — Indomita- 
ble English  Patriots — The  American  Declaration,  1776 — The  Atti- 
tude of  the  Signers — The  Principles  and  the  Men — Moral  Sublimity 
— Monarchs  and  the  Rights  of  Man — American  Commissioners — 

“The  French  People” — The  French  Revolution,  1789 — The  Re- 
publicans of  France— Revolution  in  Spain  in  1802 — Republicans 
of  Spain — Revolution  in  Mexico,  1812 — Republicans  of  Mexico.. . 43-57 


PART  III. 

THE  IlELIGIOUS  ELEMENT  IN  THE  MEXICAN  QUESTION. 

CHAPTER  I. 

GENERAL  VIEWS. 

Object  of  this  Work — The  Real  Issue  in  Mexico — Limitations  of  Respon- 
sibility— The  Christian  Religion — Errors  and  Abuses — Christianity 
utterly  Perverted — The  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  the  United 
States — Character  and  Influence  of  the  Clergy — Source  of  its  Pros- 
perity— Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Mexico— Fruits  of  its  Mission 
— True  Policy  of  the  Church  in  Mexico — Spirit  of  the  Volume. . . 57-63 

CHAPTER  II. 

ROME  AND  MEXICO  ; OR  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES  AND  ASSUMPTIONS  OF 
THE  cnuiicn- PARTY  ; HISTORICAL  SKETCH. 

Principles  of  Modern  Civilization — The  Roman  Empire,  a.  d.  476 — The 
Ancient  Church  Party — Ascendency  of  the  Priesthood — Invasion 


¥111 


CONTENTS. 


of  the  Barbarians — Origin  of  Mexican  “Fueros,”  a.  d.  500 — 
Ilallam’s  Middle  Ages — Statement  of  Mr.  Ilallam — Progress  of  the 
Claims  of  the  “ Church-Party  ” — Origin  of  the  Ecclesiastical  System 
— The  Stupendous  Scheme — The  Office  of  Pope  of  Pagan  origin — 
Territorial  Jurisdiction  — The  Spiritual  Monarchy  — Universal 
Dominion — The  Bishop’s  Title  and  Jurisdiction — The  Pope’s  abso- 
lute Supremacy — The  Universal  Empire — Opinion  of  Moslieim — 

Pagan  origin  of  Papal  Ceremonies — Waddington’s  Church  History 
— The  Scheme  of  Government — The  Pope  the  Sovereign — Tem- 
poral and  Spiritual  Power — Historical  Development — Hildebrand, 
a.  d.  1073 — The  Pope’s  Anathema — Ambition  of  Gregory  VII. — 
Decrees  of  Gregory  VII 63-74 


CHAPTER  III. 

DEVELOPMENT  AND  ILLUSTEATION  OF  THESE  PEINCIPLE8  IN  THE  HISTOEY  OF 
ENGLAND  AND  OF  FEANCE. 

Results  in  Great  Britian — Innocent  III.,  a.  d.  1198 — Pope  Innocent  and 
King  John — The  Pope’s  Interdict,  a.  d.  1208 — Excommunication  of 
King  John — The  Pope’s  Legates — Intervention  in  England — 
League  of  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  France  to  Form  a Stable 
Government  in  England — King  John  at  the  Feet  of  the  Pope — 

Fleet  of  the  King  of  France — Kingdom  of  England  conveyed  to 
the  Pope — The  Pope  satisfied — Poor  King  John— The  sturdy 
Barons  of  old  England — Another  Anathema — The  Magna  Charta 
— The  Reign  of  Innocent  III. — Corruptions  of  Christianity — Causes 
of  Revolutions 7 4-81 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  TEENT  ; ITS  AUTIIOEITY,  DECEEES,  AND  JUKISDICTION  IN  MEXICO. 

The  Council  and  its  Members — Claim  of  Authority — Action  and  its 
Results — Principles  of  the  Council  of  Trent — The  Pope — Preroga- 
tives and  Powers  of  the  Pope — Preposterous  Pretentions — The  great 
Obstacle  to  Modern  Civilization — The  Supremacy  “of  the  Church  ” 

— Meaning  of  Supremacy — The  Church  and  the  Patriots 81-87 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  AMEEICAN  “ CHUEOH-PAliTY  ; ” ITS  OEGANIZATION,  WEALTn  AND  POWEE. 

The  Vital  Elements  in  the  Question — The  “Church-Party” — Statistics 
of  the  Church — Church  Revenue — Tithes  and  First  Fruits — Special 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


Capital — Support  of  the  Curates — Income  of  Convents — Manage- 
ment of  Property — Aggregate  of  "Wealth — "Wealth  of  the  Clergy- 
Church  Property — Support  of  the  Church — The  Money  Power 
— The  Military  Power — Military  Power  of  the  Church — The 
System 87-95 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CATHEDRALS,  CHURCHES  A AD  CONVENTS. 

The  Temples  and  the  "Worship — Cathedrals — Cathedral  of  Puebla — 

The  High  Altar — Figure  of  the  Virgin — Temple  of  the  Host — 
Cathedral  of  Mexico — Site  of  the  Cathedral — The  great  Altar 
— Decorations  and  "Wealth — Churches  of  Mexico — Church  Orna- 
mentation   95-101 


CHAPTER  VII. 

TIIE  RELIGIOUS  CEREMONIES  OF  TnE  OnURCH. 

Worship  and  Character — Religious  Ceremonies — Aztec  and  Spanish 
Idolatry — The  Procession  of  the  “ Host  ” — Church  Services — 
Images  and  Decorations — Perversion  of  Christianity — Self-Torture 
— Adoration  of  the  Virgin — Street  Processions — Sale  of  Indul- 
gences— Character  of  the  Church — The  Hope  of  Mexico 101-109 


PART  IV. 

PARTIES  AND  ACTORS  IN  THE  REVOLUTIONS  IN  MEXICO. 

CHAPTER  I. 

BENITO  JUAREZ. 

Juarez  and  his  Compatriots — Birth  and  Early  Life  of  Juarez,  1819-1826 
— His  Baptism — Parentage — Early  Youth — Early  Education — Pro- 
fessional Studies — A Theological  Course,  1826 — Study  of  Law — 
Affairs  in  Mexico — Conflict  of  Ages — The  Seminary  of  Oajaca — 
The  Institute  of  Oajaca — The  Clergy  and  the  Seminary — His 
Course  in  the  Study,  and  in  the  Profession  of  Law,  1827-8 — Juarez 
a Student  at  Law — His  Principles  and  his  Career — Treasury  Judge 
and  Secretary  of  State — Revolution  of  1846 — Rising  Influence  of 


X 


CONTENTS. 


Juarez — The  Triumvirate — The  Congress  of  December,  1846 — "War 
•with  the  United  States — Parties  in  Congress — The  Clergy — Santa 
Anna’s  Dictatorship— Revolution  in  Oajaca 109-121 

JUAREZ  GOVERNOR  OF  OAJACA,  1847. 

Energy  of  Governor  Juarez — Official  Acts — Juarez  in  Private  Life,  1852 
— Plan  of  Guadalajara — Juarez  a Prisoner — in  Exile — Juarez  Min- 
ister of  Justice,  1855 — Revolution  of  Ayutla — The  Cabinet — The 
Patriot  Alvarez — The  Law  of  Juarez — Popular  Approval — The  Law 
of  Justice — Juarez  a third  time  Governor  of  Oajaca — Popular  Vote 
— Defection  of  Zuloaga — The  Reward  of  Treachery — Law  of  Juarez 
and  the  Church  Party,  1857 — Era  in  the  Life  of  Juarez — Defection 
of  Comonfort — The  Reform  Laws — Action  of  Congress — The  Church 
Property — Religious  Freedom — Opposition  of  the  Clergy — Juarez 
and  the  People — Juarez  at  Guanajuato — Betrayal  and  Seizure  of 
Juarez — Fidelity  of  Alvarez — Peril  of  the  Prisoners — Landa  and 
Moret — Parrodi  and  Degollado — Release  of  Juarez — Parrodi  Min- 
ister of  War — Col.  Rocha — The  Body  Guard — Landa  and  his 
Force — Magnanimity  of  Juarez — Osollo — The  Midnight  Retreat — 

Juarez  at  Sayula — Degollado  Minister  of  War — Juarez  and  the 
Cabinet — Juarez  at  Vera  Cruz — Success  of  the  “Old  Regime” — 
Heroism  of  the  People — Trials  of  Juarez 121-138 

THE  THREE  GREAT  UNFRIENDLY  POWERS. 

Sympathy  of  the  Three  Powers — Energy  of  Juarez — Laws  of  Reform — 
Constitution  of  1857 — Foreign  Interference — English  Mediation — 
French  Mediation — Monarchy  for  Mexico — Firmness  of  Juarez — 

Juarez  Inflexible— Juarez  to  the  People — The  People  to  Juarez — 

A Hew  Election — Juarez  at  the  Capital — Position  of  Affairs — Acts 
of  Congress — Opposition  to  Juarez — Re-election  of  Juarez — Juarez 
for  Peace — European  Intervention — The  Movement  for  a Monarchy 
— Failure  of  the  Monarchists 138-147 

EUROPEAN  DESIGNS  AGAINST  AMERICA. 

European  Opportunity — The  Pretext  for  Intervention — Juarez  and  his 
Cause — Dependence  of  the  Mexicans — Statistics  of  the  War — 
Heroism  of  the  Mexicans — The  Capital  Abandoned— Flight  of 
Juarez — Capricious  Patriots — Juarez  at  San  Luis — Juarez  at 
Monterey — The  Mission  of  Juarez — Personal  Appearance— His 
Marriage — Domestic  Life — Personal  Courage — Acts  of  His  Life — 
History  of  Mexico — Prospects  of  Mexico — Trials  of  the  Patriots — 

Desire  for  Private  Life — The  Desire  of  Mexico 147-167 


CONTENTS. 


SI 


JUAREZ  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


Don  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Minister  of  State— Don  Jose  Maria 
Yglesias,  Minister  of  the  Home  Department— Don  Ignacio  Mejia, 
Minister  of  Mar  and  Marine— Don  Ignacio  Marescal,  Minister  of 
Justice— Don  Matias  Romero,  Minister  of  the  Treasury  and  Public 
Credit 167-187 


PART  Y. 

THE  MEXICAN  QUESTION  FROM  A FRENCH  POINT  OF  VIEW. 

CHAPTER  I. 

“MEXICO  AS  IT  13,  TOE  TRUTH,”  &C.,  BY  TIIE  ABBE  DOMENECH. 

The  Chaplain  of  the  Empire — Mexico  from  a French  point  of  view — 
Objects  and  Principles  of  the  Abbe  Domenech — Mexican  Charac- 
ter— French  Impartiality — A Country  of  Contrasts — The  Chap- 
lain’s Tour  and  Objects — Design  and  Importance  of  the  Book — 

The  Book,  not  its  Author  Judged — Its  Scope — General  Contents 
of  the  Book — Analysis  of  the  Work — Mexican  Estimate  of  the 
Work — Churches  and  Convents — Mexico  a Monastic  State — The 
Churches — Wealth  and  Pillage  of  “ The  Church  ” — Mexicans  not 
Catholics — Absence  of  Christian  Virtues — Simony  and  Concubin- 
age—Some  Good  Priests — Character  of  the  Priesthood— Frankness 
and  Impartiality — Mexican  Aversion  to  the  Priests — Clerical  Hab- 
its— Life  among  the  Priests — Celibacy  and  Fraternity — Priests’ 

Wives — Clerical  “ Fueros  ” — Holy  Fathers 187-200 

TIIE  ABBE  A REFORMER. 

Call  for  Reform — Character  of  the  Bishops — State  of  the  Church — 
Deplorable  Picture — Faith  dead  in  Mexico — Idolatry — Idolatry 
and  Abomination — Religious  Ceremonies — Devotional  Dance  and 
Masquerade — No  Christian  Instruction— Sad  Spectacle — Christmas 
Eve,  almost  Incredible — Burial  of  the  Dead — Burial  of  Infants — 
Speculation  in  Dead  Bodies — Mexican  Fair  for  the  Dead— Idea  of 
Death — Marriage  Ceremony — Sunday  Market — Amulet  against 
Law  Suits,  &c. — Social  and  Political  Questions — Opposition  to  the 
Empire — Bishops  and  Clergy  for  the  Empire — Policy  of  Juarez 


511 


CONTENTS. 


PAGES 

Adopted  by  Maximilian — Law  of  Juarez — French  Pamphlet 
against  the  Bishops — Pamphlet  Effective — Clergy  for  Intervention 
and  Monarchy — The  Real  Partisans  for  Intervention — The  Re- 
gency Adopted  the  Policy  of  Juarez — The  only  Friends  and  Sup- 
port of  the  Empire — The  Church  Property — The  Interests  of  the 
Clergy,  the  Cause  of  Civil  War — The  Numbers,  Wealth  and  Power 
of  the  Ecclesiastics — The  Clergy,  the  Bankers  of  Mexico — Produc- 
tive and  Unproductive  Property — Laws  of  1859 — Sale  of  Church 
Property — Sequestration  of  Church  Property — The  Abbe’s  Views 
of  the  Result — Fealty  to  the  Pope 200-215 

CHAPTER  II. 

INTERVENTION  ACCORDING  TO  ABBE  DOMENEOH. 

The  Intervention — Mexicans  in  Europe — The  Great  Enterprise  of  the 
19th  Century — The  Emperor’s  Crown  a Church  Crown — The  Re- 
publicans— French  View  of  the  Republicans — Loyalty  to  Mexico, 
Treason  to  France — Mexican  Ingratitude — Ingratitude  of  Italy 
and  Mexico  to  France — Mexican  Prowess — The  French  Mistake — 

An  Assertion — A French  Prince  for  the  Throne — An  “ arriere 
pensee  ” — Monarchy  to'  be  the  Life  of  Mexico — Mexican  Commis- 
sioners to  the  British  and  French  Governments — Report  of  the 
Commissioners — The  Mexican  Monarchists — Duty  and  Destiny  of 
Mexico — Appeal  of  the  Clergy  to  European  Monarchs — Animus  of 
the  Appeal,  Hatred  of  Freedom — The  Spectre  of  the  Yankees — 

The  Imperial  Dynasty  Unpopular — Kind  Warning  against  the 
Yankees — The  Armies  of  Grant  and  of  Scott — The  United  States 
— No  Common  Sympathy  in  the  two  Republics — Final  Warning  to 
the  Mexicans — Final  Warning  against  Americans- -Enterprise  of 
the  Century 215-223 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  MEXICAN  QUESTION  AND  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT — TnE  CHAMBER  OF 

DEPUTIES. 

Mexico  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies — A Mexican  Monarchy — Political 
Equilibrium — Ignorance  of  Mexico  and  of  the  Mexican  Question — 
Opposition  in  France  to  the  Grand  Act — Alleged  grounds  of  Oppo- 
sition— Monarchy — A Foreign  Sovereign — The  Southern  Con- 
federacy— Latin  America — A French  Market — All  American  Re- 
publics to  be  made  Monarchies — French  View  of  the  United 
States — United  States  helpless — American  Interests  and  Opinions 


CONTENTS. 


— Tactics  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States — The  Flourish 
of  the  Monroe  Doctrine — Policy  of  the  Secretary  of  State — Mr. 
Seward’s  Address — Reply  of  M.  Drouyn  de  L’huys — Courtesy  of 
Abbe  Domenech — International  Comity — Elevated  views  of  M. 
Lamartine — America  the  Property  of  the  Human  Race — America 
the  Property  of  Europe — American  Piracy — European  Interests  in 
the  Hew  World — Anglo-Saxon  Monopoly — The  Monroe  Doctrine 
— European  Intervent  ion  in  America — European  Disinterest  edness.223-233 

THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  OCCIDENT. 

The  Spectre  of  Americans — The  White  House  and  the  Press — Ameri- 
can Parties — The  role  of  American  Statesmen — American  Diplo- 
macy—The  Secretary  and  Congress — A Congressional  Flank — The 
Secretary  and  the  Minister — Mr.  Seward  and  M.  Drouyn  de  L’huys’ 
Diplomacy — The  Austrian  Correspondence — Mr.  Seward’s  Point — 
Relations  of  the  Question  to  America,  to  the  World,  and  to 
France — Mexico  and  the  Dynasty — Resume  of  the  Abbe  Domenech’s 
Views — Summary — Ulterior  ends  of  the  Expedition 233-243 


PART  VI. 

TRANSITION  FROM  A MONARCHY  TO  A REPUBLIC. 


CHAPTER  I. 

TnE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  1810. 

The  Course  of  Conflict — The  Education  of  War — The  Bourbons  and 
the  Bonapartes — The  Mexican  Clergy — The  Three  Great  Parties — 
Affinities  of  the  Parties — Hidalgo  of  Dolores — The  First  Martyr  of 
Mexican  Liberty — Union  of  the  Creoles  and  the  Indians — Spanish 
Atrocities 243-247 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  MONARCHICAL  PLAN  OF  IGUALA — 1821. 

The  Cortes  and  the  Colony — The  Empire  under  Iturbide — The  Inde- 
pendence of  Mexico — The  Plan — The  Design  of  the  Plan — The 
Revolution  of  Independence — The  Universal  Cry — The  Scheme  of 
the  Church  Party — The  Hew  Viceroy — The  First  Independent 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


Mexican  Congress,  1822 — The  Fierce  Contest — The  New  Sensation 
— Usurpation  of  the  Emperor — The  Revolt — A Convention — The 
Patriots  in  Council— Aid  of  the  British  Flag— The  End  of  Iturbide 

247-256 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  OONGKESS  AND  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  1824. 

The  Restoration  of  Congress — The  Tie  Sundered — The  First  really 
National  Constitution,  1824 — The  First  Congress — Essential  Ele- 
ments of  the  History — Powers  of  the  Clergy 256-259 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CONSPIRACY  ; — THE  “ CHUECn  PARTY  ” WITn  PAREDES,  TO  OVERTHROW  THE 
REPUBLIC,  ERECT  A MONARCHY,  AND  INVITE  A FOREIGN  PRINCE  TO  THE 
THRONE,  1845. 

The  Church  Party  and  Paredes — The  Church  against  the  People — A 
Bourbon  to  he  called  to  the  Throne — The  Republican  Press — 
Arbitrary  Acts  of  Paredes — Embarrassment  of  the  Revolution- 
ists— The  Clergy  refuse  Pecuniary  Support — The  Minister  of 
France  and  the  Archbishop — The  Archbishop  and  Republicanism 
— Numbers  and  Strength  of  the  Clergy — Wealth  of  the  Hierar- 
chy— Revenues — Convents — Decision  of  the  Chapter. 

Defeat  of  the  Monarchical  Scheme  of  1846 — Defeat  of  the  Monarch- 
ists— Popular  Cry  for  a Republic — Protest  against  a Foreign  Mon- 
archy— A New  Congress — The  Republic  Proclaimed  in  the  Capi- 
tal— Preamble  of  the  Proclamation — The  Proclamation — Mani- 
festo of  the  Republican  Army 259-271 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  RESTORATION  OF  TnE  REPUBLICAN  CONGRESS,  AND  THE  RE-ESTABLISnMENT  OF 
THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION,  1846. 

The  Congress  of  December,  1846 — Professions  of  Santa  Anna — Don 
Valentin  Gomez  Farias — The  Protest  of  the  Vicar-General — 

Power  of  the  Priesthood  over  the  People — Anathemas — Ecclesi- 
astical Weapons — Popular  Effect— Indomitable  Firmness  of  Farias 
— A Clerical  Revolution — Defection  of  Santa  Anna — English  View 
of  Santa  Anna 271-277 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


PART  VII. 

THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 

CHAPTER  I. 

PEOGEESSIVE  STEPS  TOWAEDS  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  EEPUBLIO. 

PAGES 

The  Three  Stages  of  the  Revolution — The  First  Congress — Action  and 

Reaction — The  Plan  of  Tacubaya 277-279 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  EEVOLUTION  OF  AYUTLA,  1853. 

The  Triumph  of  the  Republicans— The  Leaders — The  Defeat  of  “The 
Church  Party  ” — Precarious  Victory — Policy  of  the  Republicans 
— “The  Juarez  Law”  for  the  Administration  of  Justice — Ap- 


proval of  the  Law — Final  Adoption  of  the  Constitution 279-283 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Constitution  of  1857 283-310 


part  vm. 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

Historical  Sketch — President  Jefferson’s  Letter  to  Mr.  Livingston,  the 
American  Minister  in  France,  1802 — Second  Letter  from  the 
President — Third  Letter  to  Mr.  Monroe,  Minister  Extraordinary, 

1803 — President  Jefferson  to  the  Governor  of  Louisiana,  1808 — 
Ex-President  Jefferson  to  Mr.  Short,  1820 — Mr.  Jefferson  to  Presi- 
dent Monroe,  1823 — President  Monroe’s  Proclamation  of  the  Doc- 
trine, 1823 310-320 


PART  IX. 

INTEROCEANIC  TRANSITS  : THEIR  POLITICAL  HISTORY. — EFFORTS  OF 
SPAIN,  FRANCE,  ENGLAND,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  GEEAT  QUESTIONS  OF  THE  WESTEEN  HEMISPHEEE. 

National  Organic  Independence — Individual  Liberty  and  Rights — Re- 
ligious Freedom — The  Great  Eastern  Question — The  Great  "West- 
ern Question — Proposed  Routes  for  Canals  and  Railroads — De- 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


cree  of  the  Spanish  Cortes,  1814 — English  Association,  1825 — Spirit 
of  the  English  Press,  1846 — Action  of  the  French  Government,  1845 
— Views  and  Aims  of  Napoleon  III.,  1846 — Canale  Napoleone  de 
Nicaragua — The  Pope  and  the  Isthmus  Canal,  1848 — The  Mar- 
quis de  Magny — The  Clayton-Buhver  Treaty,  1850 — Action  ot 
the  French  Government — The  Convention  of  Rivas,  1858 — The 
French  Scientific  Expedition  in  Mexico,  1864 320-348 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. — THE  AMERICAN-ASIATIC  SOCIETY,  1865. 

Communication  of  the  American-Asiatic  Society  to  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  1866— Application  to  Congress — Memorial 
of  the  Society  to  Napoleon  III. — Reply  to  the  Memorial  by  Baron 
Moustier — Policy  of  the  United  States  and  Mexico .348-368 

CHAPTER  III. 

CONCLUSION. 

The  Issues  of  the  Mexican  Conflict — Enemies  and  Difficulties  of  the 
Mexicans — The  Results  of  the  Mexican  Struggles — The  Declara- 
tion of  Rights  and  the  Constitution  of  1859 — The  Future  of 
Mexico — The  'Work  to  be  Done — Its  Difficulties — The  Foreign 
Relations  of  Mexico — The  Pope’s  Nuncio  to  Mexico — The  Pope’s 
Encyclical,  1864 — The  United  States — France,  the  Ancient  Friend 
of  American  Republics — Louis  XVI.,  Vergennes,  La  Fayette — 
Napoleon  I.,  on  the  Death  of  Washington — General  Policy  of  the 
United  States  and  of  Mexico — Mutual  Interests  of  the  two  Re- 
publics  368-391 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 




3? ART  I. 

THE  GREAT  QUESTION  OFTHE  WESTERN  HEMISPHERE. 

CHAPTER  I. 

GENERAL  VIEWS  OF  THE  WESTERN  CONTINENTS,  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES  AND  MEXICO. 

“wSq  All  Europe  has  been  moved  for  years  with  the 
Question.”  u easxern  Question,” — Turkey,  and  the  transit 
for  the  commerce  of  Asia,  between  the  Mediterranean  and 
the  Persian  Gulf. 

All  America  should  not  be  less  concerned  with  the 
“ Western  Question,” — Mexico,  and  the  transit  of  our 
great  Isthmus,  for  the  commerce  of  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere, between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  oceans. 

English  statesmen  have  called  British  India,  with  its 
vast  commercial  interests,  the  ‘jewel  pendent’  of  Asia. 
Mexico  is  the  ‘jewel  bracelet’  of  the  New  World.  To 
understand  this,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  the  double  con- 
tinent, North  and  South,  the  great  connecting  Isthmus, 
and  the  mutual  relations  of  the  three. 

If  there  had  been  no  Continent  for  Columbus  to  dis- 
cover, there  would  have  been,  from  Spain  westward  to 
J apan,  one  vast,  unbroken  waste  of  waters,  covering  more 
l 


2 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


than  two  hundred  degrees  of  longitude,  and  an  area  of 
some  fourteen  thousand  miles  square. 

The  conti-  The  Continents  of  America,  North  and  South, 
rica-  connected  by  their  narrow  Isthmus,  divide  this 

watery  waste.  “ The  United  States  and  Mexico,”  inter- 
posed between  Europe  aud  Asia, — “ The  Middle  Conti- 
nent” of  all,  flanked  by  the  two  great  oceans,  that  are 
destined  to  bear  the  great  trunk  commerce  of  the  nations, 
stand  in  them  geographical  and  relative  position,  as  if  or- 
dained by  Divine  Decree  to  become  the  great  maritime 
and  commercial  powers  of  the  future. 
ofYhecona-8  They  stand  in  their  relations  to  the  rest  of  the 
neuis.  habitable  globe,  and  to  oceanic  communication 
with  the  civilized  world,  much  as  the  narrow  projection 
of  Italy  into  the  Mediterranean  Sea  stood  to  the  domin- 
ion of  the  Roman  Empire,  East  and  West.  Then,  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  was  the  centre,  and  its  surroundings 
constituted  the  Roman  world.  Now,  “ The  middle  Con- 
tinent ” is  to  be  the  centre,  and  its  surroundings  for  the  fu- 
ture development  of  commerce,  civilization  and  Christian- 
ity among  the  nations,  are  the  oceans  and  the  hemispheres. 
North  The  Continent  of  North  America  contains  eight 

millions  of  square  miles.  South  America,  seven 
millions.  The  aggregate,  fifteen  millions  of  square  miles, 
is  about  four  times  the  size  of  all  Europe,  and  equals  about 
three-tenths  of  the  whole  land  surface  of  the  globe.  The  East- 
ern portals  face  the  rising  Sun,  stand  “ vis  a vis  ” to 
Europe,  and  the  golden  gates  of  the  West  are  opening  wide 
towards  Asia  and  Oceanica.  This  territory  covers  in  the 
Western  hemisphere,  the  entire  historic  zone  traced  in  the 
Eastern,  by  the  course  of  empire  and  the  progress  of  civi- 
lization, from  the  cradle  oi*  the  race  in  the  “ Mother  Conti- 
nent,” down  to  the  present  time. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


3 


Territorial 

Character^ 

tics. 


The  United 
States. 


Unlike  other  Continents,  where  three-fifths  of 
the  whole  surface  are  covered  with  inaccessible 
mountains  and  high  table  lands,  scarcely  habitable  for  man, 
in  North  and  South  America,  three-fifths  of  the  surface  con- 
sists of  vallies,  prairies  and  plains  of  inexhaustible  fertil- 
ity. The  area  of  the  basin  of  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri 
rivers  alone,  is  estimated  at  one  million  three  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  square  miles, — nearly  twice  the  aggregate 
of  all  Great  Britain,  France,  Spain  and  Germany  com- 
bined. The  coast  line  of  the  Continent  is  estimated  at  be- 
tween forty  and  fifty  thousand  miles  ; that  of  Europe,  is 
twenty  thousand  miles,  of  Asia,  thirty-six  thousand. 

The  territory  of  the  United  States  embraces  an 
area  nearly  equal  to  that  of  all  Europe.  The  great 
continental  outlines  of  its  geography,  no  less  than  its  unique 
geographical  position,  indicate  its  destiny.  The  grand  di- 
visions of  the  land,  their  respective  physical  features  and 
capabilities,  are  now  defined  and  understood. 

The  Eastern  section  of  this  territory, — the  Atlantic  slope, 
thirteen  hundred  miles  in  length,  by  an  average  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  width, — the  great  Continental 
incline  towards  the  vast  interior, — has  been  mainly  the 
theatre  of  the  first  half  century  of  its  settlement  and  civi- 
lization. 

The  valley, — a thousand  miles  square,  guarded, 
as  it  were,  on  the  East  and  the  West  by  the  ran- 
ges of  the  Alleghanies  and  of  the  Rocky  mountains,  our 
mighty  continental  bulwarks,  shows  the  progress  of  enter- 
prise in  the  second  half  century. 

The  Pacific  slope,  not  yet  a quarter  of  a century  old, 
has  almost  staggered  human  credulity,  by  the  magic  growth 
of  its  agriculture,  commerce,  wealth  and  cities.  Imagi- 
nation is  baffled  at  any  attempt  to  forecast  its  future. 


The  Great 
Valley. 


4 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Geographical 
Relations  and 
its  Institutions. 


This  united  land,  inter-oceanic,  in  respect  to  all 
the  conditions  of  maritime  supremacy,  inter-con- 
tinental, in  respect  to  the  population,  productions,  manu- 
factures and  commerce  of  the  world  ; with  its  inexhaust- 
ible internal  resources  of  every  material  and  product  that 
affords  food,  clothing,  or  comfort  for  man  ; with  a diversi- 
fied climate  adapted  to  every  race  and  temperament ; with 
political,  civil,  social,  moral  and  religious  institutions  fa- 
voring universal  education  and  the  protection  and  security  of 
every  man  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  “ inalienable  rights,”  all 
foreshadow  a development  of  humanity  on  these  shores, 
within  half  a century  to  come,  transcending  all  the  dreams 
of  statesmen  or  philanthropists. 

The  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States 
have  no  reason  to  envy  any  other  government,  or  people, 
or  land  of  the  earth ; and  least  of  all,  to  covet  any  Na- 
both’s vineyard.  It  is  not  surprising  that  monarchs  and 
nobles,  and  the  despotisms  of  the  old  world,  should  look 
with  anxious  apprehensions  at  the  growth  of  this  great 
power,  at  the  kindling  of  this  great  light,  at  the  influence 
of  the  great  ideas  that  underlie  our  institutions,  and  are 
the  secret  of  our  prosperity  and  happiness. 

But  we  turn  to  Mexico. 


MEXICO. — TERRITORIAL  EXTENT  AND  PHYSICAL  CHARACTERISTICS. 

The  Republic  The  Republic  of  Mexico  extends  from  about 
oi  Mexico.  j|ie  the  30th  degree  of  North  Latitude, 

and  embraces  in  its  range,  its  plains,  table  lands  and 
mountain  ranges,  all  the  climates  and  productions  of  the 
tropics  and  of  the  temperate  zone.  In  its  extent,  resources 
and  capabilities,  in  varieties  of  climate  and  soil ; in  its 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


5 


known,  and  in  its  yet  unknown  treasures  of  precious  metals 
and  gems ; and  in  the  exuberance  of  its  supply  of  every 
article  needful  for  the  food,  clothing,  medicine,  comfort, 
and  luxury  of  man,  it  has  no  superior. 

Extent  of  Its  extreme  length  is  two  thousand  miles  ; its 
extreme  breadth  eleven  hundred  miles.  It  has 
a coast  line  on  the  Gulf  and  on  the  Caribbean  Sea  of 
sixteen  hundred  miles ; and  on  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the 
Gulf  of  California,  of  four  thousand  two  hundred  miles ; 
— a larger  coast  line,  it  is  believed,  in  proportion  to  its 
area,  than  any  other  country  of  equal  extent  in  the  world. 
It  joins  the  United  States  by  a coterminous  boundary  of 
eighteen  hundred  miles. 


state^exican  The  twenty-five  States,  the  Federal  District, 
Territory.  and  the  Territory  of  the  Republic  contain  an 
area  of  862,460  square  miles — an  aggregate  equal,  within 
a fraction,  to  all  the  twenty -five  United  States  east  of  the 
Mississippi  river.  It  is  a territory  ten  times  larger  than 
all  Great  Britain,  and  nearly  equal,  in  extent  to  all 
France,  Spain,  Austria,  Lombardy,  and  the  British  Isles 
combined. 


Physical  The  area  of  Mexico  is  divided  by  nature  into 

characteris-  J 

tics-  three  clearly  defined  and  separate  regions  ; the 

highlands,  or  mountain  districts  ; the  table  lands,  or  tem- 
perate regions ; and  the  lowlands  and  basins,  having  the 
varied  characteristics  of  the  torrid  zone.  Above  them  all, 
peer  the  volcanic  summits,  and  peaks  of  perpetual  snow. 

The  mountain  ranges  arrest  the  moisture  wafted  by 
aerial  currents  from  the  Atlantic  and  the  Gulf ; the  lofty 
crests  congeal  it  in  eternal  snows ; the  mountain  breasts 
condense  it  in  fertilizing  rains  ; and  the  lowlands  receive 
the  descending  streams  that  enrich  a soil  of  inexhaustible 
fertility. 


6 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Of  this  immense  region,  more  than  three-fifths  enjoy 
rather  a temperate  than  a torrid  climate.  The  proximity 
of  the  oceans,  the  peculiar  conformation  of  the  land,  its 
elevation  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  sweep  of  mild, 
aerial  currents  from  the  waters,  temper  the  severities  both 
of  cold  and  heat,  and  make,  for  large  sections  of  the  terri- 
tory, one  of  the  most  balmy  and  delightful  climates  in  the 
world. 

Physical  The  peculiar  characteristics  of  this  territory, 

conditions.  *n  regpecj.  £0  climate  and  productions,  are  deter- 
mined less  by  latitude,  than  probably  those  of  any  other 
portion  of  the  globe.  Its  physical  geography  and  pecu- 
liar relations  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  make  it  altogether  a country  “ sui  generis.”  The 
oceanic  and  atmospheric  currents  determined  and  defined 
by  the  continental  conditions,  and  the  motion  of  the  earth, 
and  especially  by  the  marked  depression  at  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  in  the  great  range  of  the  Cordillera  of  the 
continents,  together  with  the  diversities  in  the  elevation  of 
different  districts,  give  this  little  range  of  about  fifteen  de- 
grees of  latitude,  all  the  varieties  of  climate,  soil,  and  pro- 
ductions of  the  torrid,  the  temperate  and  the  frigid  zones. 
Its  volcanic  peaks  and  mountain  regions,  its  plateaux  and 
lowlands,  diversified  in  countless  forms  of  beauty,  magnifi- 
cence and  sublimity,  have  long  been  the  themes  on  which 
travellers  and  historians  have  lavished  their  admiration. 

The  following  tables  exhibit  the  areas,  and  the  popula- 
tion of  the  Mexican  States,  and  those  of  the  United 
States,  east  of  the  Mississippi  river.  A slight  comparison 
is  sufficiently  suggestive  of  the  extent  and  the  importance 
of  the  Mexican  Republic,  and  of  the  inducements  of 
European  monarchs  to  destroy  its  independence,  and  erect 
an  Empire  for  themselves  upon  its  ruins. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


7 


TABLE  OF  THE  AREAS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  EAST  OF  THE  MISSIS- 
SIPPI RIVER,  AND  THEIR  POPULATION  IN  1860. 


SQUARE  MILES.  POPULATION. 

Maine 

628,000 

New  Hampshire 

326,000 

Vermont 

315,000 

Massachusetts 

1,231,000 

Rhode  Island 

175,000 

Connecticut 

4,700 

460,000 

New  York 

3,881,000 

New  Jersey 

672,000 

Pennsylvania 

2,906,000 

Delaware 

112,000 

Maryland 

687,000 

Virginia 

1,596,000 

North  Carolina 

993,000 

South  Carolina 

703,000 

Georgia 

1,057,000 

Florida 

59,000 

140,000 

Alabama 

964,000 

Mississippi 

791,000 

Ohio 

2,340,000 

Michigan 

749,000 

Wisconsin 

776,000 

Illinois 

1,712,000 

Indiana 

1,350,000 

Kentucky 

1,157,000 

Tennessee 

1,111,000 

841,800 

26,832,000 

The  British  Isles 

France 

Spain  and  Portugal 

Austria 

803,000 


8 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


TABLE  OF  THE  AREAS  OF  MEXICAN  STATES,  WITH  THEIR  POPULATION, 

IN  1860. 

» 

SUPERFICIAL  OR  POPULATION 


STATES. 

SQUARE  MILES. 

IN  185S. 

Aguascalientes 

88,329 

Chiapa 

167,472 

Chihuahua 

164,073 

Cohahuila 

67,590 

Durango 

144,331 

Guanajuato 

11,396 

729,103 

Guerrero 

279,109 

Jalisco 

48,591 

804,058 

Mexico 

19,539 

1,129,629 

Michoacan 

22,993 

554,585 

Nueva  Leon 

16,688 

145,779 

Oajaca 

525,938 

Puebla 

658,609 

Queretaro 

1,884 

165,155 

San  Luis  Potosi 

397,189 

Sinaloa 

163,714 

Sonora 

100,228 

139,374 

Tabasco 

12,359 

70,628 

Tamaulipas 

30,344 

109,673 

Vera  Cruz 

27,415 

349,125 

Yucatan 

48,869 

668,623 

Zacatecas 

27,768 

296,789 

TERRITORIES. 

Lower  California 

60,662 

12,000 

Colimn 

3,019 

62,909 

Isla  de  Carman 

7,298 

11,807 

Sierra  Gorda 

55,358 

Tehuantepec 

12,526 

82,395 

Tlaxcala 

90,158 

DISTRICT. 

Federal  District 

269,534 

Total 

8,400,236 

MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


9 


CHAPTER  II. 

MEXICO  UNDER  THE  ANCIENT  CIVILIZATION. — HISTORICAL  SKETCH. 


Ancient  Mex- 
ico, prior  to 
1520. 


Whatever  may  be  the  speculations  in  regard 
to  the  origin  of  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico,  the  char- 
acter and  degree  of  their  civilization  are  unmistakable. 


When  first  discovered,  Mexico  was  more  thickly  peopled 
than  any  other  portion  of  the  continent.  Cortez  found  an 
Empire,  cities,  palaces,  pyramids,  like  those  of  Egypt;  tem- 
ples, ruins,  hieroglyphical  inscriptions,  and  all  the  traces 
of  an  ancient  and  idolatrous  civilization.  Gigantic  and 
magnificent  monumental  remains  told  of  a former  race, 
and  of  their  achievements  in  architecture  and  art. 

The  history  of  the  early  inhabitants,  of  their 

Early  History.  . , , 

origin  and  races,  religion,  manners,  customs,  wars 
and  conquests,  is  involved  in  great  uncertainty.  Humboldt, 
and  many  others,  have  supposed  that  the  ancient  Mexican 
races  were  of  Asiatic  origin,  and  that  the  migration  from 
Eastern  Asia  by  way  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  or  Behring’s 
Straits,  commenced  with  the  “ Toltec  Tribes”  about  a.  d. 
700,  and  was  followed  by  other  migrations,  and  finally  by 
the  “ Aztecs,”  about  a.  d.  1200.  The  physical  organiza- 
tion of  the  people,  the  character  of  their  civilization,  hiero- 
glyphic records  and  Mexican  traditions,  rather  support  this 
opinion. 


The  Toitecs.  The  “ Toltec  Dynasty”  is  supposed  to  have  last- 
ed 400  or  500  years,  when  for  some  reason  un- 
known, they  moved  further  south  to  the  provinces  of  Central 
America,  and  were  succeeded  in  Mexico  by  the  “Aztecs.” 
Prior  to  the  Spanish  conquest,  the  Toitecs  were  the  most 
civilized  of  all  the  Mexican  races.  But  when  Cortez  ar- 


10 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


rived,  the  Aztecs,  under  Montezuma,  occupied  the  country 
previously  in  possession  of  the  “Toltecs.” 

The  Aztecs.  The  “ Aztec  Empire  ” comprised  only  the  pres- 
ent States  of  Mexico,  Queretaro,  and  a part  of 
Vera  Cruz.  But  it  held  more  or  less  control  over  other 
monarchies  and  republics  around  them.  The  descendants 
of  the  Aztecs,  now  called  Mexican  Indians , live  in  the  vil- 
lages and  towns  of  this  section.  They  speak,  besides  the 
Spanish,  their  ancient  language,  now  called  “ Mexican.'"' 

The  “ Aztec  Dynasty  ” is  traced  for  about  300  years, 
culminating  in  the  Empire  of  the  Montezumas,  which  fell 
in  1520,  under  the  Spanish  invasion  and  conquest  by 
Cortez. 


wars  of  the  The  convulsions  and  wars  which  marked  the 
progress  of  the  two  Djmasties  were  like  those  in 
the  early  stages  of  ancient  European  Empires.  Chieftains, 
tribes,  republics  and  petty  kings  were  waging  incessant 

wars  with  each  other.  The  waves  of  conflict  swaved  to 

•/ 

and  fro,  changing  perpetually  the  territorial  limits  and  the 
allegiance  of  smaller  tribes  in  every  direction,  until,  in 
about  1352,  the  “Aztec  Empire”  was  consolidated  under 
its  first  king. 


The  Montezu-  In  1436  Montezuma  I.  came  to  the  throne. 

In  1502,  after  two  intervening  sovereigns,  Mon- 
tezuma II.  succeeded.  During  the  reigns  of  the  Montezu- 
mas, the  Aztec  Empire  attained  a pitch  of  grandeur,  to 
which  no  society  had  ever  attained  in  so  short  a period. 
It  had  subsisted  only  for  a hundred  and  fifty  years,  and 
had  extended  its  dominion  from  the  north  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean  on  the  south,  over  territories  stretching  1,500  miles 
from  east  to  west,  and  more  than  600  miles  from  north 
to  south. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


11 


THE  AZTEC  INDIANS. 

The  term  “ Indian”  was  applied  to  all  the  ab- 
original inhabitants  of  the  colonies  of  Spain, be- 
cause the  islands  and  lands  discovered  by  Columbus  were 
supposed  to  belong  to  the  group  now  known  as  the  East  In- 
dies. By  sailing  westward,  the  navigators  discovered  these 
lands,  which  they  called  the  West  Indies , and  the  inhab- 
itants, “ West  Indians.”  The  “Aztecs,”  or  Mexican  In- 
dians, and  the  Month  American  Indians , are  of  totally 
different  races  and  types  of  humanity. 

There  is  no  record  of  any  enumeration  of  the 

Population.  ....  , . 

inhabitants  of  Mexico  prior  to  the  conquest. 
The  estimates  and  statements  of  different  historians  of  that 
period  are  various  and  contradictory.  The  number  of  vic- 
tims of  war,  of  massacre  and  slavery,  are  rarely  reported 
by  oppressors.  Many  adverse  interests  have  led  to  a con- 
cealment of  the  actual  numbers  at  different  times.  The 
number  of  inhabitants  in  the  large  cities,  and  in  some  of 
the  provinces,  furnish  some  clew  to  the  aggregate.  The 
City  of  Mexico  is  almost  universally  stated  to  have  had 
a population  of  three  hundred  thousand.  The  neighboring 
Republic  of  Tlascala  was  reputed  to  have  had  500,000 
heads  of  families.  In  various  contests  of  Cortez  with  the 
forces  he  encountered,  his  contemporaries  often  numbered 
his  adversaries  at  fifty  thousand  men.  From  such  data, 
and  from  the  statements  of  Las  Casas,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Chiapa,  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  population  of  the 
Empire  was  not  less  than  thirty  millions. 

THE  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE  AND  DISPOSITION  OF  THE  AZTECS. 

Portrait  of  the  The  Abbe  Clavi  gero,  who  resided  nearly  forty 

years  in  the  provinces  of  New  Spain,  and  who 


12 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


wrote  the  history  of  Mexico,  of  that  period,  has  given  the 
following  description  of  the  Aztecs  : 

“ They  are  of  good  stature , generally  exceeding , in- 
stead of  falling  short  of  the  middle  size.  They  are  well 
proportioned  in  all  their  limbs.  They  have  good  com- 
plexions ; narrow  foreheads ; black  eyes ; clean,  firm, 
regular,  white  teeth  ; thick,  black,  coarse,  glossy  hair ; 
thin  beards  ; and,  generally,  no  hair  upon  their  legs  or 
thighs.  Their  skin  is  of  an  olive  color ; there  is  scarcely 
a nation  upon  earth  where  there  are  fewer  deformed  per- 
sons ; and  it  would  be  more  difficult  to  find  a single 
hump-backed,  lame,  or  squint-eyed  man  among  a thousand 
Mexicans,  than  among  a hundred  of  any  other  nation. 
The  unpleasantness  of  their  color,  the  smallness  of  their 
forehead,  the  thinness  of  their  beard,  are  so  far  compen- 
sated by  the  regularity  and  fine  proportion  of  their  limbs, 
that  they  can  neither  be  called  very  beautiful  nor  the  con- 
trary ; but  seem  to  hold  a middle  place  between  the  ex- 
tremes. Their  appearance  neither  engages  nor  disgusts. 
Among  the  young  women  of  Mexico,  there  are  many  very 
beautiful  and  fair , whose  beauty  is  at  the  same  time  ren- 
dered more  winning  by  the  sweetness  of  their  manner  of 
speaking,  and  by  the  pleasantness,  and  natural  modesty 
of  their  whole  behavior.” 

General  “ They  are  very  moderate  in  eating,  but  tlieir 

passion  jor  liquors  is  carried  to  great  excess. 

“Their  minds  are  at  bottom  in  every  respect  like  those 
of  the  other  children  of  Adam,  and  endowed  with  the 
same  powers.  The  Europeans  never  did  less  credit  to 
their  own  reason,  than  when  they  doubted  that  of  the 
Americans.  The  state  of  civilization  among  the  Ameri- 
cans when  they  were  first  known  to  the  Spaniards,  was 
much  superior  to  that  of  the  Spaniards  themselves,  when 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


13 


they  were  first,  known  to  the  Phoenicians,  that  of  the 
Gauls  when  they  were  first  known  to  the  Greeks,  or  that 
of  the  Germans  and  Britons  when  first  known  to  the 
Homans.  It  should  have  been  sufficient  to  check  such  an 
error  of  man’s  mind,  if  it  had  not  been  the  interest  of  the 
inhuman  avarice  of  some  ruffians  to  encourage  it.  Their 
understandings  are  fitted  for  every  kind  of  science,  as  expe- 
rience has  shown.  Of  the  Mexicans  who  have  had  oppor- 
tunities of  engaging  in  the  pursuit  of  learning,  which  is 
but  a small  number,  the  greater  part  are  always  engaged 
in  the  public  and  private  works.  But  we  have  known 
some  good  mathematicians,  excellent  architects,  and 
learned  divines.  Many  persons  allow  the  Mexicans  to 
possess  a great  talent  for  imitation,  but  deny  them  the 
praise  of  invention  ; a vulgar  error,  which  is  contradicted 
by  the  ancient  history  of  that  people.” 

“ Their  minds  are  affected  by  the  same  variety 

Moral  Traits.  , “ J 

of  passions  as  the  people  of  other  nations,  but 
not  in  an  equal  degree.  Mexicans  seldom  exhibit  those 
transports  of  anger  or  frenzies  of  love,  which  are  so  com- 
mon in  other  countries.  They  are  slow  in  their  motions, 
and  show  a wonderful  tenacity  and  steadiness  in  those 
works  'which  require  time  and  long-continued  attention. 

“ They  are  most  patient  of  injury  and  hardship,  and, 
where  they  suspect  no  evil  intention,  are  most  grateful  for 
any  kindness.” 

The  Ancient  The  extent  of  the  dominion  of  Montezuma, 
Civilization,  character  and  court,  and  the  political  and 

social  organization  of  the  government,  witnessed  the  ad- 
vanced state  of  civilization  in  the  Empire  of  the  Aztecs. 
The  administration  of  government,  and  the  organization 
of  industry,  for  the  maintenance  of  its  vast  population, 
was  not  the  work  of  barbarism.  To  feed,  to  clothe,  to 


14 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


make  law,  to  define  and  regulate  the  rights  and  duties  of 
citizens,  and  to  preserve  law  and  order  in  society,  demand 
legislative  and  administrative  talent  of  high  order. 

The  progress  of  agriculture,  the  varied  pro- 

Agricultnre.  I,...0  " . 1 

ducts  of  the  soil,  in  cereals  and  fruits,  revealed 
no  ordinary  degree  of  cultivation  and  taste.  Their  horti- 
culture, ornamental  and  medicinal,  gardens  of  plants, 
floating  gardens,  scientific  irrigation  and  canals,  indicated 
the  progress  of  knowledge. 

The  roads  and  highways  of  the  Aztecs  are  represented 
by  Humboldt  and  others  as  rivalling  in  their  structure, 
the  old  Roman  roads  of  Italy. 

Evidences  of  The  monumental  remains  of  their  architecture, 

ization.  in  temples,  pyramids  and  palaces  ; the  progress 
they  had  made  in  arts  and  manufactures — of  threads  and 
cloths,  in  pottery  and  metallurgy  ; the  organization  of 
trade,  and  systematic  provision  for  its  wants,  in  money, 
weights,  and  measures  ; their  extraordinary  astronomical 
knowledge  ; in  fine,  their  whole  political,  theocratic,  mili- 
tary and  social  economy,  marked  the  interior  life  of  a 
highly  civilized  and  cultivated  people. 

The  stories  related  by  their  conquerors  of  the  bloody 
rites  and  cannibalism  of  the  Aztecs,  should  be  taken  with 
some  allowance. 

It  has  been  stated,  that  at  the  consecration  of  the 
great  Temple,  under  the  predecessor  of  Montezuma  II., 
sixty  thousand  victims  were  offered.  The  historian  says, 
“They  ranged  the  prisoners  in  two  files,  each  a mile  and  a 
half  in  length,  terminating  at  the  Temple,  where,  as  soon 
as  the  victims  arrived,  they  were  sacrificed.”  Such  a 
story  carries  upon  its  face  its  own  refutation.  The  Span- 
iards must  have  been  severely  pressed  to  justify  their  own 
atrocities. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


15 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. — GENERAL  VIEW. 

sketch  of  the  The  general  history  of  the  conquest  is  well 
conquest.  known<  But  the  halo  that  surrounded  the  dis- 
covery of  the  new  continent,  and  its  possession  by  Chris- 
tian powers,  blinded  the  perceptions  and  blunted  the  sen- 
sibilities of  Christendom  to  the  monstrous  and  inhuman 
atrocities  of  the  Conquerors. 

Cortez  and  his  followers  were  men  of  violence  and 
blood,  little  better  than  a horde  of  pirates  and  banditti. 
“ They  had  committed  crimes,”  says  Michel  Chevalier, 
“ -which,  by  the  laws  of  all  nations,  could  be  expiated 
only  by  a gallows  for  the  principal,  and  the  galleys  for 
his  followers.” 

Character  of  Poor,  ambitious,  and  unprincipled,  they  sought 

the  Enter-  . , ......  , 

prise.  m a desperate  adventure  the  distinction  and 

wealth  they  could  otherwise  never  attain.  The  enterprise 
in  boldness  and  bravery  challenged  the  admiration  of  the 
age  in  -which  they  lived  : — in  the  perfidy  and  cruelty  with 
which  it  was  conducted,  it  deserves  and  will  receive  the 
execration  of  all  coming  ages.  Herod  of  Judea  and  Cortez 
of  Mexico  may  well  divide  the  honors  between  them  as 
monsters  of  human  wickedness  and  crime. 

The  conquest  The  London  Quarterly  Review  for  October, 
querors.  i860,  says : “ lhe  early  history  of  South 

America  must  for  ever  stand  out  preeminent  in  the  rec- 
ords of  human  wickedness.  If  the  discovery  of  the  New 
World  is  the  great  romance  of  history,  its  conquest  and 
settlement  form  one  of  its  deepest  tragedies  ; for  the  sub- 
jugation of  some  of  the  finest  regions  of  the  globe  by  the 
most  advanced  and  powerful  nation  of  Europe  in  the 


16 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


fifteenth  century,  unfortunately  fell  to  the  lot  of  men 
upon  whom  the  multiplying  villainies  of  nature  swarmed 
in  unwonted  profusion ; and  the  countries  which  long 
formed  the  trans-atlantic  empire  of  Spain  have,  from  the 
day  in  which  she  first  planted  her  foot  in  the  New  World 
to  the  present  time,  never  ceased  to  present  the  most  pain- 
ful contrast  between  the  benevolent  dispositions  of  Provi- 
dence for  the  happiness  of  His  creatures,  and  the  power 
of  man  to  counteract  them.11 

Character  Professor  John  W.  Draper,  in  his  work  on 
Emigrants,  the  “ Civil  Policy  of  America,11  speaks  of  this 
history  in  the  following  terms : “ The  discovery  of 

America  by  Columbus  completed  the  wonderful  change 
in  Europe,  begun  by  the  crusades.  The  crusading  out- 
rush  to  the  East,  was  followed  by  an  outrush  of  adventu- 
rers to  the  West.  Religious  sentiment  was  superseded  by 
avarice.  There  was  not  a people  in  Europe  that  did  not 
become  involved.  As  might  be  expected  from  her  position, 
Spain  was  profoundly  implicated  in  all  her  social  ranks. 
Her  men  of  influence  in  civil  life,  in  military  life,  in 
ecclesiastical  life,  all  emigrated  across  the  ocean.  The 
thirst  for  gold  was  too  strong  for  even  the  pride  of  family. 
A paradise  of  unbounded  sensual  enjoyment  in  this  life  ; 
riches  exceeding  whatever  the  wildest  dreams  of  fanatical 
alchemists  had  ever  suggested — a realized  El  Dorado — 
these  were  temptations  which  the  hot  Spanish  blood  could 
not  resist. 

sPain  and  her  “ What  Spain  did  on  this  Continent  can  never 
be  too  often  related — it  ought  never  to  be  forgot- 
ten.  She  acted  with  appalling  atrocity  to  those  Indians,  as 
though  they  did  not  belong,  to  the  human  race.  Their 
lands  and  goods  were  taken  from  them  by  Apostolic 
authority.  Their  persons  were  next  seized  under  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


17 


text,  that  ‘ the  heathen  are  given  as  an  inheritance,  and 
the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  as  a possession.’  It  was 
one  unspeakable  outrage  : one  unutterable  ruin,  without 
discrimination  of  age  or  sex.  They  who  died  not  under 
the  lash,  in  a tropical  sun,  died  in  the  darkness  of  the 
mine.  From  sequestered  sandbanks,  where  the  red 
flamingo  fishes  in  the  gray  of  the  morning — from  fever- 
stricken  mangrove  thickets,  and  the  gloom  of  impenetrable 
forests — from  hiding-places  in  the  clefts  of  the  rocks,  and 
the  solitude  of  invisible  caves, — from  the  eternal  snows  of 
the  Andes,  where  there  was  no  witness  but  the  all-seeing 
sun,  there  went  up  to  God  a cry  of  human  despair.  By 
millions  upon  millions,  whole  races  and  nations  were 
remorselessly  cut  off.  The  Bishop  of  Chiapa  affirms  that 
more  than  fifteen  millions  were  exterminated  in  his  time. 
From  Mexico  and  Peru,  a civilization  that  might  have 
instructed  Europe  Avas  crushed  out.” 

Historic  This  remarkable  territory  has  been  the  thea- 

tre  oi  some  of  the  most  extraordinary  events  m 
history.  Here  flourished  for  centuries  great  Empires  of 
antiquity,  antedating  in  their  origin  and  course  all  else 
that  is  knoAvn  of  the  Continent.  Their  monumental  in- 
scriptions and  remains  are  a fair  counterpart  to  Egyptian 
and  Assyrian  ruins.  They  carry  us  back  far  into  the  re- 
gions of  the  unknoAvn  past,  and  indicate  a civilization 
that  has  passed  from  the  face  of  the  earth  : an  idolatrous, 
pagan  civilization,  whose  doom,  like  that  of  Egypt,  Baby- 
lon, Assyria,  Greece,  and  the  antediluvians,  only  furnish 
further  illustration  of  the  eternal  decree,  that  the  kingdom  > 
and  nation  that  will  not  serve  Jehovah  shall  perish. 

The  great  Tra-  Here  was  enacted  one  of  the  darkest,  most 

gedy  of  the 

leth  century,  deadly  and  demoniacal  tragedies  in  the  annals 
of  time.  In  the  name  of  religion,  the  deed  Avas  done. 

2 


18 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


A simple,  gentle,  docile  race  was  all  but  exterminated. 
It  was  as  if  the  mountain  ranges  of  the  continent  were 
one  great  altar,  and  the  teeming  millions  of  its  valleys, 
the  victims  of  the  sacrifice. 

The  attempted  Here,  too,  in  our  own  times,  under  our  own 

repetition  of  the 

19th  century,  eyes,  the  world  has  witnessed  the  performance 
of  a drama  in  all  its  acts,  to  the  final  “ exeunt  omnes,” 
which  has  thrilled  the  world. 

The  stage  was  our  continent ; Europe,  Asia,  Africa, 
and  all  America  spectators.  The  plot  was  gigantic. 
Empires,  kingdoms,  and  thrones  were  concerned.  Kings, 
Queens,  and  Nobles,  courts,  cabinets  and  councils,  armies 
and  navies,  were  actors  in  the  scenes.  “The  Great 
Powers,”  mighty  and,  magnanimous,  joined  to  crush  again 
the  aspirations  of  an  enfeebled  race,  struggling  at  the 
work  of  self-culture,  self-elevation,  self-government  and 
improvement. 

But  more  than  that,  there  was  a mighty 
“ arriere  pensee  ” behind  the  scenes.  The  drama 
was  a desperate  game,  and  the  end  is  not  yet.  It  was 
the  game  of  “ all  the  Caesars.”  It  was  the  “ Old  World  ” 
defying  the  Institutions  of  the  New.  And  if  they  had 
vanquished  what  they  defied,  the  results  in  their  vast  pro- 
portions would  have  outstripped  all  the  schemes  that 
Popes,  Emperors,  or  conquerors  of  past  ages  ever  dreamed 
of.  They  Avould  have  changed  the  destiny  of  the  new 
world,  and  an  overwhelming  reflex  tidal  wave  of  despotism 
would  have  rolled  back  over  the  nations  of  the  old  world. 

But  the  drama  is  played.  The  game  is  a 
failure.  The  stage  and  the  spectators  remain. 
The  actors  are  changed,  and  the  great  question  now  is, 
What  shall  be  the  future  of  Mexico?  The  sequel  of 
this  volume,  it  is  hoped,  may  throw  some  light  upon 


The  European 
Plot. 


Its  end 
fo  lever. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


19 


the  subject,  and  indicate,  at  least,  the  line  of  policy,  which 
the  interests  of  Mexico  and  of  the  United  States — of  the 
American  continents,  and  the  cause  of  liberty,  civil  and 
religious,  throughout  the  world,  demand. 

CHAPTER  IY. 

THE  RELIGIOUS  ELEMENT  IN  THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 

ofthevsran^h  During  a period  of  a little  more  than  three 
uoo-hjooT*  hundred  and  fifty  years,  the  civilization  and 
Christianity  of  Spain  “ were  illustrated  to  the  nations  of 
the  old  world,”  by  three  great  acts  in  the  drama  of  human 
history  that  will  never  be  forgotten  : the  attempted  ex- 
termination of  the  Moors  ; the  persecution  and  expulsion  of 
the  Jews  ; and  the  establishment  of  the  Spanish  Inquisi- 
tion. 

During  the  same  period,  the  strange  spirit  of  the 
rulers  and  institutions  of  Spain  has  been  exemplified  by 
equally  significant  acts  in  the  new  world : the  conquest 
of  her  colonies  ; the  overthrow  of  the  empires  of  the  Mon- 
tezumas  and  the  Incas  ; the  extermination  of  some  fifty 
millions  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  ; and  the  establish- 
ment and  administration  of  her  colonial  governments. 

Spain,  for  the  last  six  centuries  of  the  Christian  era, 
has  borne  upon  her  banner  and  carried  round  the  world, 
the  sacred  “Christ-bearing  ” symbol  of  peace  on  earth  and 
good  will  to  men.  How  far  she  has  manifested  the  spirit 
of  the  symbol,  the  facts  of  history  record,  and  the  verdict 
of  mankind  will  tell. 

Alfonso  X.  In  the  13th  centurv,  about  two  hundred  years 

The  Wise.  . " " 

l256-  prior  to  the  discovery  of  America,  Alfonso  X. 
was  King  of  Spain.  He  was  one  of  the  most  learned 


20 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


men  of  his  age.  On  account  of  his  own  attainments  in 
literature,  science  and  art,  his  writings  in  poetry  and  prose, 
in  history,  and  jurisprudence,  and  his  encouragement  of 
men  of  learning,  he  was  surnained  “ The  Wise.” 
ms  code  of  His  father,  Ferdinand  III.,  in  order  to  correct 
the  evils  of  the  local  fueros , or  privileges  which 
were  claimed  by  various  towns  and  provinces,  established 
a general  code  of  laws  for  the  whole  kingdom.  His  son, 
Alfonso,  carrying  out  this  design,  prepared  successively 
two  smaller  compilations,  entitled  the  “ Mirror  of  all 
Rights,”  and  the  “ Royal  Charter,”  which  were  subse- 
quently codified  and  promulgated  in  the  celebrated  body  of 
laws,  known  as  the  “ Seven  Parts,”  from  the  number  of 
portions  into  which  it  was  divided.  The  materials  for  the 
work  were  taken  from  the  Justinian  Code,  and  the  ancient 
laws  and  local  institutions  of  the  kingdom.  The  holders  ol 
fueros  long  and  obstinately  resisted  the  curtailment  of 
their  ancient  privileges.  But  the  code  was  finally  estab- 
lished, and  became  the  basis  of  Spanish  Common  Law.  It 
is  a treatise  on  legislation,  religion  and  morals.  It  ex- 
plains  the  mutual  duties  of  a king  and  his  people  ; the 
provisions  of  the  laws  and  the  reasons  for  their  establish- 
ment. By  the  admission  of  Florida  and  Louisiana  into 
the  United  States,  this  code  has  had  its  influence  upon  the 
legal  system  of  our  country. 

Spanish  trans-  But  the  great  act  of  his  life  and  the  crowning: 

lation  of  the  . . . . . . _ , 

Blue.  1270.  glory  of  Ins  reign,  was  the  translation  of  the 
Bible  into  the  Spanish  language,  which  he  caused  to  be 
made,  and  which  introduced  a new  era  in  the  history  of 
the  language  and  of  the  country. 

For  more  than  six  centuries  Spain  has  had  the  Bible. 
She  has  repudiated  its  principles,  extinguished  its  light 
among  her  own  people,  and  played  such  a role  among  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


21 


nations,  as  irresistibly  to  remind  one  again  of  the  old  Di- 
vine decree,  that  “ the  nation  and  kingdom  that  will  not 
serve”  Jehovah  “shall  perish, — yea,  those  nations  shall  be 
utterly  wasted.” 

rope  Aiexan-  In  1492,  Pope  Alexander  VI.  ascended  the 
der\i.  1492.  papaj  throne.  In  1494,  he  settled  the  conflicting 
claims  of  the  kings  of  Spain,  and  of  Portugal,  in  respect  to 
the  rights  of  discovery  of  the  Indies,  East  and  West,  by  a 
Pontifical  decree. 

The  title-deed  He  divided  the  undiscovered  regions  of  the 

to  North  and  . . , . r>  t • i 

south  America,  earth,  by  an  imaginary  line  of  longitude,  running 
through  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from  pole  to  pole,  370  miles 
west  of  the  Azores.  He  gave  to  the  Portuguese,  unlimit- 
ed sway  over  all  the  countries  they  might  discover  to  the 
East  of  this  line  ; and  pledged  himself  to  confirm  to  Fer- 
dinand and  Isabella  of  Spain,  the  right  to  every  isle,  con- 
tinent and  sea,  where  they  should  plant  their  flag  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere.  Hence,  in  every  picture  or  engrav- 
ing of  the  landing  of  Columbus,  the  first  act  in  the  scene 
is  the  planting  of  the  flag  of  the  Spanish  crown. 

Under  such  a charter  as  this,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
and  their  successors,  held  all  their  vast  possessions  in 
America  as  their  own  peculiar  personal  property,  under 
their  own  absolute,  irresponsible  control,  in  all  matters 
whatsoever,  temporal  and  spiritual. 

Pope  Alexander  granted  to  Ferdinand  personally  all 
the  titles  belonging  to  the  church.  Julius  II.,  his  successor, 
confirmed  these  grants,  and  added  all  the  benefices,  digni- 
ties and  offices,  claimed  by  the  “ Holy  See,”  as  her  share 
of  the  spoils  of  the  conquered. 

The  Pope  to  The  “ King  of  Spain,”  therefore,  was  the  su- 

preme head  of  church  and  state  in  the  colonies  ; 
holding  by  deed  direct,  from  Peter’s  successor,  the  Roman 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


22  • 


Vicegerent,  the  fee  simple  of  all  the  territory,  together 
with  the  temporal  dominion  of  one  half  of  all  the  undis- 
covered regions  of  the  globe,  and  as  his  personal  possession 
all  the  “ right,  title  and  interest  ” His  Holiness  could  con- 
vey, in  the  souls,  bodies  and  estate  of  any  discovered  na- 
tions. The  continent,  isles  and  people,  body  and  soul, 
labor,  fortune,  conscience  and  life,  were  his. 

The  spirit  of  The  expeditions  which  Spain  sent  from  her 
Exploration,  shores  to  plant  the  standard  of  her  empire  in  the 
New  World,  were  imbued  with  feel  ins's  of  religious  fanati- 
cism,  to  an  intensity  it  is  now  hard  to  conceive.  Stim- 
ulated, besides,  with  the  thirst  for  gold,  they  spread 
devastation  wherever  they  marched,  and  inflicted  on  the 
simple  natives  tortures  and  sufferings,  differing  little,  ex- 
cept in  duration,  from  the  pains  which  the  priests,  who 
always  accompanied  the  expeditions,  announced  as  await- 
ing the  wretched  victims  in  another  world.  These  priests 
also  insisted  upon  the  blindest  submission  in  spiritual 
matters,  which,  it  was  not  unreasonably  expected,  would 
secure  civil  dependence. 

Michel  Chevalier,  in  describing  the  religious 
element  in  the  expedition  of  Cortez,  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  New  World,  called  it  a “Crusade,” — a holy 
war  against  the  infidels.  To  make  them  confess  the  faith, 
was  an  incomparable  merit.  In  such  a cause,  it  was  a 
little  matter  that  they  gave  unbridled  license  to  their  pas- 
sions,— that  they  were  licentious,  covetous,  and  bathed 
themselves  in  blood.  “ Ever}7  sin  would  be  atoned  by  so 
good  a work.” 

The  spirit  of  the  old  Spanish  Crusades  against  the 
Moors,  was  a living  fire  in  the  camp  of  Cortez.  The  au- 
thority of  the  Church,  and  the  commands  of  the  Emperor, 
imposed  it  as  a paramount  duty  to  convert  the  infidels. 


The  Conquest 
a Crusade. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


23 


Every  soldier  considered  himself  an  apostle ; — bound  to 
convert,  as  well  as  to  conquer  the  heathen.  They  were 
to  invade  and  possess  their  country,  to  occupy  their  cities, 
to  take  away  their  treasures,  to  ravish  their  daughters,  to 
exterminate  the  resisting,  and  by  all  means,  to  convert  and 
baptize  the  rest. 

Military  The  military  and  the  missionary  work  were 

tion.  both  inspired  by  an  enlightened  zeal  for  the  lands 

and  the  gold  of  the  Mexicans,  and  the  saving  grace  of  a 
holier  zeal,  for  the  souls  of  those  they  did  not  destroy. 

In  pursuance  of  such  a mission,  these  propagandists 
of  the  Christian  faith,  the  moment  a city  was  taken,  rushed 
for  the  treasures  of  their  idol  temples,  overthrew  the  altars 
and  images  of  paganism,  appropriated  to  themselves  the 
consecrated  ornaments  and  vessels  of  barbaric  gold,  erected 
an  image  of  the  Virgin  in  the  place  of  a heathen  idol, 
and  commanded  the  astonished  natives  to  fall  down  and 
worship  their  God,  who  was  mightier  than  the  gods  of 
Tenochtitlan.  The  poor,  defenceless  natives  were  com- 
pelled to  bow  down  and  worship  the  image  of  the  Virgin, 
and  accept  the  rites  of  the  Church. 

The  Pagan  Missionaries  sent  over  by  the  kino;  did  not  stay 

nnd  the  Cbns-  . ^ J 

tian  idol.  to  acquire  the  language  oi  the  natives,  and  to 
explain  to  them  the  truths  and  doctrines  of  Christianity, 
but  proceeded  at  once  to  administer  baptism  and  the  sac- 
raments, punishing  apostates  with  the  tortures  prescribed 
by  the  Inquisition.  Such  was  their  zeal,  that  a single 
priest  would  baptize  his  thousands  between  the  rising  and 
the  setting  sun. 

Baptismal  Peter,  of  Ghent,  a Flemish  monk,  writing 
Conrersions.  prom  j\lexico,  1529,  said,  that  he  and  “another 

Missionary  had  converted  Two  Hundred  Thousand  Mexi- 
cans, their  ordinary  day’s  work  being  from  ten  to  twenty 


24 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


thousand  souls”  A few  years  after  the  conquest,  the 
monks  reported  the  number  of  converts  as  amounting  to 

FOUR  MILLIONS. 

But  such  conversions  are  seldom  permanent ; and  it 
was  soon  discovered  that  multitudes  had  consented  to  ac- 
cept the  rites  of  the  Church  on  compulsion,  or  in  order  to 
conciliate  their  conquerors,  but  with  reservations  in  favor 
of  their  own,  ancient  gods. 

Paganism  and  “ The  indifference  of  the  Mexicans,”  says  Dr. 
chnstiamty.  Young,  “ in  relation  to  the  mysteries  of  the  new 

religion,  was  so  great,  that  the  priests  found  it  absolutely 
necessary  to  permit  them  to  retain  a portion  of  their  orig- 
inal superstition,  and  to  connive  at  the  amalgamation  of 
holy  rites  with  pagan  ceremonies,  confounding  the  exalted 
doctrines  of  Christianity  with  the  absurd  and  gloomy  fan- 
cies pertaining  to  the  Aztec  mythology.”* 

Humboldt  says,  “The  introduction  of  the  Rom- 
ish religion  had  no  other  effect  upon  the  Mexi- 
cans than  to  substitute  new  ceremonies  and  symbols  for 
the  rites  of  a sanguinary  worship.  Dogma  has  not  suc- 
ceeded dogma,  but  only  ceremony  to  ceremony.  I have 
seen  them,  masked  and  adorned  with  tinkling  bells,  perform 
savage  dances  around  the  altar,  while  a monk  of  St.  Fran- 
cis elevated  the  Host.” 

The  Mission  All  the  great  enterprises  of  conquest  and 
querors.  crusade  in  the  age  of  Cortez,  were  imbued  with 

a kind  of  religious  enthusiasm.  Any  act  of  aggression, 
inhumanity  or  barbarism,  was  sanctioned,  if  done  in  the 
name  of  religion.  Under  the  banner  of  “ the  Cross,”  the 
zeal  of  the  vilest  men  could  be  roused  to  almost  any  work 
of  diabolical  crime.  The  cry,  “ in  hoc  signo  vinces,” 

* Compare  with  the  statement  respecting  the  policy  of  the  early 
Church,  A.  D.  p. — 64. 


Opinion  of 
Humboldt. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


25 


would  rally  an  army  of  followers  to  overrun  and  devas- 
tate the  fairest  provinces,  to  capture,  sack,  and  burn  de- 
fenceless cities,  to  obliterate  a nationality  by  the  sword,  the 
torture  and  the  stake.  The  age  of  conquest  and  discovery 
was  one  of  singular  mixture  of  pretended  love  and  zeal 
for  God,  and  actual  hatred  and  murder  of  men.  Every 
description  of  wrong  and  outrage,  under  the  garb  of  religion, 
was  tolerated.  Adultery,  incest,  murder,  perjury,  and  un- 
mitigated despotism  in  kings,  popes,  and  queens,  were  wink- 
ed at,  if  they  were  only  “ Defensores  Fidei.”  The  whole 
family  of  the  priesthood,  Pope,  Cardinal,  Bishop,  and 
Priest,  under  the  most  solemn  vows  of  celibacy,  were  quite 
exempt  from  discipline  or  censure,  however  numerous 
were  their  sons  and  daughters.  It  was  no  mere  fling;  of 
the  wits  that  the  priests  were  all  “Fathers,”  and  the 
Pope,  “ The  Holy  Father.” 

Pope  Aiexan-  Pope  Alexander  VI.,  Roderic  Borgia,  of  Va- 
lencia, Spaiij,  had  during  his  cardinalship,  four 
illegitimate  children,  by  his  mistress  Vanozia.  His  pontifi- 
cate has  been  said  to  be  the  blackest  page  in  the  history 
of  modern  Rome.  His  public  policy  and  his  private  life 
were  equally  strangers  to  morality  and  religion.  Histo- 
rians agree  that  “ no  name  in  history  is  stigmatized  with 
greater  infamy — his  court  a school  of  licentiousness  and 
falsehood,  where  crime  was  reduced  to  a system,  and  oaths 
and  compacts  afforded  no  obligation  or  security.” 

“ The  ecclesiastical  records  of  fifteen  centu- 
ries,” says  Dr.  Waddington,  “contain  no  name 
so  loathsome,  no  crimes  so  foul  as  his.  While  the  voice  of 
every  impartial  writer  is  loud  in  his  execration,  he  is,  in 
one  respect,  singularly  consigned  to  infamy,  since  not  one 
of  the  zealous  annalists  of  the  Roman  church  has  breath- 
ed a whisper  in  his  praise.” 


Testimony  of 
historians. 


26 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


On  one  occasion,  this  prodigy  of  vice  gave  a splendid 
entertainment,  within  the  walls  of  the  Vatican,  to  no  less 
than  fifty  public  prostitutes,  at  which  entertainment, 
deeds  of  darkness  were  done  over  which  decency  must 
throw  a veil.  And  yet  this  monster  of  vice  was,  accord- 
ing to  papal  claims,  the  legitimate  successor  of  the  Apos- 
tles, and  the  “ Vicar  of  God,”  upon  earth,  and  addressed 
by  the  title,  “ His  Holiness!  ” 

It  is  less  than  three  centuries  since  Alexander  VI. 
conveyed  to  their  Catholic  majesties  of  Spain  and  Portugal 
our  whole  continent  from  the  pole  to  the  cape,  not  except- 
ing the  United  States  and  Mexico.  And  Catholic  powers, 
it  would  seem,  to  this  day  claim  their  right  of  possession 
under  the  grant. 

The  character  and  manners  of  the  Kings,  Popes,  and 
Priests  of  Europe,  were  transferred  to  Mexico.  There 
were,  undoubtedly,  good  men  in  the  pale  of  the  church ; — 
as  godly  and  noble  souls  as  ever  contended  for  truth  and 
righteousness.  But  the  whole  spirit  and  life  of  the  age 
were  characterized  by  deeds  of  darkness,  shame  and  death. 
A cry  arose  from  all  Europe  for  “ Reform,”  everywhere, 
in  the  Vatican  at  Rome,  in  the  Palaces  of  Kings,  in  mon- 
asteries and  convents,  and  among  the  professedly  celibate 
ecclesiastics  of  every  order  and  name.  The  “ Roman 
Church”  is  as  much  indebted  to  the  Great  Reformation  of 
the  16th  century,  tor  the  reform  in  the  lives  and  manners 
of  its  clergy,  as  Protestantism  is,  for  its  purer  faith.  But 
the  Reform,  either  in  faith  or  manners,  never  crossed  from 
Spain  to  Mexico. 


PART  II. 


MEXICO  UNDER  THE  DOMINION  OF  SPAIN.  1520-1808. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  GOVERNMENT  OP  THE  VICEROYS. 

colonial  As  soon  as  the  Spaniards  had  plundered  the 

pohcy'  wealth  of  the  empire  of  the  Aztecs,  they  turned 
their  attention  to  the  government  of  the  colonies  they 
planted.  The  King  granted  almost  regal  and  absolute 
power  to  the  Governors  and  Viceroys  entrusted  with  the 
establishment  of  the  first  governments.  This  power  was 
so  abused  that  he  was  soon  obliged  to  curtail  these  privi- 
leges. 

As  early  as  1495,  the  germs  of  the  colonial 
system  of  oppression  and  slavery  had  fairly 
taken  root.  The  first  seeds  were  the  Letters  Patent 
from  the  “ crown,”  authorizing:  the  officers  of  the 


Repartimi- 

entos. 


colony  to  partition  the  lands  of  the  Indians  among 
their  conquerors. — called  repartimientos.  The  second 
plant,  was  the  inauguration  of  the  system  of  tribute. 
Every  Indian,  old  and  young,  from  the  highest  cacique 
down  to  children  of  fourteen  years  of  age,  was  compelled 
to  pay  tribute.  Children  over  fourteen,  near  any  of 
the  mines,  were  obliged  to  pay,  every  three  months,  a little 
bell  full  of  gold ; all  others,  a certain  amount  of  cotton. 
Next  came  the  requisition  of  service  from  the  Indians,  ex- 


28 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


acting  their  labor  for  the  tillage  of  their  lands.  Then  fol- 
lowed a regular  system,  authorizing  the  Spaniards  to  take 
Indians  from  any  place  to  any  other  place,  to  work  on 
compulsory,  unrequited  labor,  without  any  restriction. 

In  1503,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  authorized  one  of  the 
Governors  of  the  colonies  “ to  compel  the  Indians  to  have 
dealings  with  the  Spaniards — to  work  for  them  on  such 
wages  as  he  should  think  fit ; to  work,  also,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  their  caciques  (a  kind  of  compulsory  overseer- 
ship),  and  that  they  should  go  and  hear  mass,  and  be  in- 
structed in  the  faith ; and,  finally,  that  they  should  do  all 
these  things  ‘ as  free  persons , for  so  they  are  ! 1 11 

The  first  fruits  of  these  beginnings  was  the  adoption,  by 
this  same  Governor,  of  the  system  called  by  the  mild  name 
of  “ encomienda."  He  distributed  the  Indians,  the  men 
themselves , as  a gift  to  the  Spaniards,  for  considerations 
unknown,  to  be  veritable  slaves.  The  formula  ran,  “To 
you,  Don  Juan  * * *,  is  given  an  encomienda  of  fifty,  or 
one  hundred  Indians,  with  such  a cacique,  and  you  are  to 
teach  them  the  things  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith .” 

There  only  remained  the  perpetuation  of  this  title.  At 
first  it  was  only  a life  estate  ; next,  it  was  extended 
through  the  son’s  life  ; then  for  two  lives  ; and  then  unend- 
ing, irrevocable  slavery  of  parents  and  their  offspring. 

Las  Casas  said  the  poor  Indians  had  four  masters  : 
“ the  crown,”  their  own  “ caciques,”  the  u encomienderoC 
and  his  “overseer,”  “who  weighed  upon  them  more  than  a 
hundred  towers.” 

Last  of  all  was  the  system  of  the  “Mita.”  By  this, 
four  out  of  every  hundred  of  the  Indians  were  taken  and 
compelled  to  labor,  a certain  portion  of  every  week,  or 
month,  or  year,  in  the  mines  for  the  benefit  of  their  Span- 
ish masters.  The  amount  of  cruelty  and  suffering,  as 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


29 


well  as  of  wealth,  for  “ viceroys  ” and  the  “ crown,"  as 
the  fruit  of  this  system,  is  almost  incredible. 

To  such  an  extent  was  the  oppression  of  the  Indians 
carried,  that  the  Pope  finally  issued  a decree  declaring 
that  the  Indians  were  “ really  and  truly  men,  and  capable 
of  receiving  the  Christian  faith.” 

In  1511,  Ferdinand  established  a special  board  for  the 
management  and  control  of  all  affairs  pertaining  to  the 
conquered  provinces  in  the  New  World,  but  it  was  not 
fully  organized  until  the  reign  of  Charles  V.  in  1524. 

The  council  The  “ Council  of  the  Indies  ” was  invested 
ot  the  indies.  SUpreme  jurisdiction  over  all  the  possessions 

of  the  Spanish  crown  in  the  West.  The  “Council  ” con- 
sisted of  a President  who  was  the  King,  four  Secretaries, 
and  twenty-two  Counsellors,  generally  chosen  from  among 
those  who  had  been  viceroys,  or  high  officers  abroad. 
The  Council  was  empowered,  in  compliance  with  the 
nomination  of  the  Crown,  to  appoint  all  the  colonial  offi- 
cers of  every  degree,  and  to  make  all  laws  and  regulations 
for  the  government  of  the  colonies. 


Power  and  This . was  a grand  political,  legislative,  and 
couudi.  financial  machine.  The  power  of  the  “ Council  11 
was  absolute  in  all  matters  civil,  religious,  military,  legis- 
lative, judicial,  and  executive,  subject  only  to  the  nominal 
approval  of  the  Crown.  Its  decisions,  however,  were  in- 
variably approved,  right  or  wrong.  The  whole  scheme 
and  policy  of  law  and  administration  were  devised,  not 
to  carry  out  the  principles  of  national  and  human  rights, 
but  to  derive  the  utmost  profit  to  the  Spaniards  from  the 
lands,  the  mines,  and  the  labors  of  the  Indians.  The  vice- 
roys exercised  unlimited  power  over  the  lives,  property 
and  liberty  of  the  people.  They  were  generally  selected 
from  families  of  high  rank  and  great  influence,  and  wielded 


30 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  delegated  and  arbitrary  authority  with  a pretension  and 
pomp  scarcely  equalled  by  their  sovereign.  They  had  their 
palaces,  retinue,  and  guards  of  honor,  and  sought  by  the 
ostentatious  display  of  mimic  royalty  in  the  provinces,  to 
awe  and  intimidate  the  subjugated  natives.  The  will  of  a 
Viceroy  was  Mexican  law.  It  was  absolute,  individual 
control  over  all  things  temporal  and  spiritual. 

Admmistra-  The  administration  of  justice  was  intrusted  to 
turn  of  justice.  ^WQ  « Courts  of  Royal  Audience,”  one  at  the 

Capital,  and  the  other  for  the  Northern  Provinces.  The 
judges  and  officers  of  these  Courts  were  appointed  by 
“ the  Council  of  the  Indies,1’  or,  with  their  sanction,  by 
the  Viceroy.  They  were  required  to  be  native-born 
Spaniards,  and  were  forbidden  by  law,  on  the  genuine 
principle  of  the  code  of  the  Jesuits,  to  hold  lands,  to  marry 
in  the  colonies,  or  to  form  any  attachments  in  the  land 
they  were  sent  to  govern.  The  justice  they  administered 
was  such  as  conquerors  give  to  captives,  and  masters  give 
to  slaves.  Throughout  the  colonies,  every  officer,  mili- 
tary, revenue,  or  municipal,  was  a European.  Native 
Mexicans  were  prohibited  from  holding  any  office  of  trust, 
profit,  or  honor.  All  the  subordinate  offices  were  sold 
at  Madrid,  and  were  a source  of  large  revenue  to  the 
Crown. 

social  re-  All  intercourse  with  foreigners  was  prohibited 
by  the  most  rigid  laws.  Passengers  and  crews 
of  ships  were  placed  under  the  surveillance  *bf  a military 
guard.  They  were  not  allowed  to  carry  arms,  and  became 
utterly  incapable  of  self-defence.  The  very  laws  even  by 
which  they  were  governed,  were  unknown  to  any  but  the 
Europeans  who  presided  in  the  Courts,  and  who  strained 
and  perverted  them  with  little  regard  to  the  people  for 
whom  they  had  no  sympathy,  and  with  supreme  regard  to 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


31 


The  system 
of  “ I'ueros.” 


the  exactions  for  themselves  of  a bountiful  revenue  of  gold 
and  silver. 

The  very  worst  features  of  the  feudal  system  of  Eu- 
rope were  transplanted  here,  in  their  most  despotic 
and  revolting  forms.  They  were  intensified  and  aggra- 
vated by  the  vast  disparity  between  the  conditions  and 
relations  of  the  Spanish  magistrate,  and  a helpless,  de- 
fenceless Indian. 

The  whole  administration  of  justice  was  utterly 
corrupt,  venal,  and  oppressive.  There  was  no 
equality  before  these  tribunals.  The  system  of  fuero-s , or 
privileges,  made  endless  discriminations  in  favor  of  the 
Spaniard  and  against  the  native.  There  were  privileges 
of  corporations,  of  the  professions,  of  the  clergy,  regular 
and  secular,  monks,  canons,  inquisitions,  colleges,  univer- 
sities ; privileges  of  the  military,  of  the  marine,  of  those 
in  the  revenue  service,  and  of  great  variety,  all  working 
to  screen  and  benefit  the  European,  and  oppress  the 
Indian.  It  was  an  inextricable  labyrinth  of  corruption, 
bribery,  intrigue,  delay,  denial  of  justice,  and  outrage. 
General  Colo-  Under  such  a system  for  the  enactment  of 

nial  adminis-  . " 

Nation.  laws,  and  for  their  administration,  justice  had  no 
place  or  name  in  Mexico.  Of  a long  succession  of  one 
hundred  and  seventy  Viceroys  who  governed  the  colonies 
of  Spain,  four  only  were  Americans  ; and  of  six  hundred 
and  ten  Captains- General  and  Governors,  all  hut  fourteen 
were  natives  of  old  Spain.  The  civil,  criminal,  and  fiscal 
administration,  indeed  the  whole  political  system,  was  a 
gigantic  monopoly  in  the  hands  of  foreigners.  The  natives 
had  no  voice,  direct  or  indirect,  in  legislation,  or  any  func- 
tion or  exercise  of  government.  Law  and  execution  came 
from  Spain.  Freedom  was  crushed  with  relentless  sever- 
ity. Any  attempt  to  win  it  was  repressed  with  unheard- 


32 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  cruelties.  Taxes,  duties,  tithes,  were  ubiquitous  bur- 
dens. Courts  of  law  were  mere  farces.  Prisoners  and 
prisons  were  only  the  sport  of  unscrupulous  and  irrespon- 
sible power. 


commercial  The  “ Council  of  the  Indies  ” interdicted  all 

Restrictions.  • . • , , . . , , i 

commercial  intercourse  between  the  colonies  and 
the  rest  of  the  world,  and  with  each  other.  All  imports 
and  exports  were  restricted  to  Spanish  vessels.  All  sup- 
plies to  come  from  Spain,  and  the  colonies  forbidden  to 
raise  or  produce  any  article  the  mother  country  could  sup- 
ply. They  were  forbidden  to  trade  with  foreigners  or  with 
neighboring  states,  under  any  pretext  whatever.  The 
penalty  was  death.  One  of  the  grievances  of  Hidalgo,  the 
first  to  raise  the  banner  of  independence  in  Mexico,  was 
the  destruction  of  his  vineyard  and  his  silkworms  by  com- 
mand of  the  government,  under  the  most  unjust  and  op- 
pressive law,  that  the  natives  must  produce  nothing  that 
could  be  brought  from  Spain. 

The  internal  administration  of  this  system  was 
as  foul  as  its  conception  was  infamous.  An  illus- 
tration of  the  systematic  plunder  of  the  natives  is  found  in 
the  grand  scheme  of  extortionate  taxation.  There  was 


The  revenue 
system. 


THE  ROYAL  REVENUE. 

The  King  had, 

I.  One  fifth  of  all  the  gold  and  silver,  and  his  monop- 
olies, tobacco,  salt,  and  gunpowder. 

II.  The  colonial  offices,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  were 
openly  sold  on  his  account. 

III.  His  “ Stamp  act  ” and  “ Stamped”  paper  were  as 
odious  and  productive  as  those  of  George  III. 

IV.  Every  Indian  was  required  to  pay  a poll-tax. 

Y.  To  crown  the  infamy,  he  exacted  an  extensive  rev- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


33 


enue  from  the  religious  rites  and  superstitions  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  necessaries  and  luxuries  of  life,  the  sacraments 
and  offices  of  religion,  and  the  fears  and  hopes  of  immor- 
tality, were  made  to  yield  a royal  income  to  the  King  of 
Spain. 


“the  revenue  ‘bulls.’” 

As  a specimen  of  these,  there  was 

1.  “ Bulls  de  cruzadct."  The  possessor  of  this  Bull  was 
absolved  from  all  crimes,  except  heresy,  and  could  not  be 
suspected  even  of  this  deadly  sin.  He  was  exempt  from 
many  of  the  rigorous  fasts  of  the  Church.  Two  Bulls  at 
the  same  price,  had  double  the  virtue  of  one. 

2.  “ Bulls  de  defuntos  *’ — the  Bull  for  the  dead — was  a 
passport  for  a sinner’s  soul  from  purgatory.  The  fears  and 
sympathies  of  the  poor  and  ignorant  classes  were  wrought 
upon  to  induce  them  to  buy  this  ticket  of  release  for  them- 
selves, or  their  friends,  from  the  pains  of  purgatory. 

3.  “ Bulls  for  eating  milk  and  eggs  during  Lent.” 

4.  “ Bulls  of  composition.”  This  “ released  persons 
who  had  stolen  goods  from  the  obligation  to  restore  them 
to  the  owner,  provided  the  thief  had  not  been  moved  to 
commit  his  crime  in  consequence  of  the  belief  that  he 
might  escape  from  its  sin  by  consequently  purchasing  the 
immaculate  ‘Bull.’”  It  had  power  “to  correct  the  moral 
offence  of  false  weights  and  measures,  tricks  and  frauds  in 
trade,  the  obliquities  of  principle  and  conduct,  by  which 
swindlers  rob  honest  people  of  their  property  ; and,  finally, 
whilst  it  converted  stolen  articles  into  the  lawful  property 
of  the  thief^  it  also  assured  to  purchasers  the  absolute  own- 
ership of  whatever  they  obtained  by  modes  that  ought  to 
have  brought  them  to  the  gallows.  The  price  of  these 
‘ Bulls  ’ depended  on  the  amount  of  goods  stolen,  but  only 

3 


34 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


fifty  of  them  could  be  taken  by  the  same  person  in  a 
year.” 

Such  are  some  of  the  features  of  the  enlightened  gov- 

o o 

ernment  of  the  Christian  King  and  “Church  ” of  Spain. 

But  this  is  not  all.  There  were 

THE  ECCLESIASTICAL  REVENUES. 

The  “ Holy  Church”  held  all  its  prerogatives  and  ap- 
pointments directly  from  the  King.  Its  ultimate,  actual 
influence  and  power  emanated  from  the  sovereign.  The 
erection  of  cathedrals,  parish  churches,  monasteries,  hospi- 
tals, native  chapels,  or  other  religious  edifices,  without  the 
express  license  of  the  monarch,  was  strictly  prohibited. 

All  ecclesiastical  revenues  went  to  him.  The  power 
and  resources  of  patronage  were  incalculable.  The  relig- 
ious jurisdiction  of  church  interests  and  tribunals  extended 
to  monasteries,  priests,  donations,  legacies  for  sacred  pur- 
poses, tithes,  marriages,  and  all  spiritual  concerns. 

CLEEICAL  FUEROS. 

The  fueros  of  the  clergy,  and  their  varied  privileges 
and  prerogatives,  made  Mexico  the  very  el-dorado  of  ec- 
clesiastics. As  early  as  1501,  the  system  of  tithes  was  es- 
tablished and  regulated  by  law. 

1.  Every  article  of  primary  necessity  was  subject  to 
tithes. 

2.  All  the  artificial  and  ornamental  productions  were 
also  titheable. 

3.  Every  object  of  luxury  and  comfort  was  subject  to 
the  same  tax. 

Clerical  finan-  The  clergy  thus  became  the  royal  collecting 
agents  of  this  .spiritual  revenue.  The  aggran- 
dizement of  the  clerical  body,  and  the  accumulation  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


35 


their  wealth  was  almost  incredible.  Churches  and  con- 
vents, estates  and  treasure,  diamonds,  gold,  and  silver, 
swelled  the  accumulations  to  an  aggregate  of  not  less  than 
one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  The  monasteries  of  the 
Dominicans  and  Carmelites  acquired  immense  riches  in  real 
estate,  both  in  town  and  country.  The  religious  establish- 
ments of  the  monks  and  nuns  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  were  said 
to  be  the  owners  of  three-fourtlis  of  the  private  houses  in 
the  capital,  and  proportionably,  of  property  in  the  different 
states  of  the  Republic. 

THE  ALCABALA. 

There  was  an  impost  called  the  “ alcabala ,”  upon  all 
purchases  and  sales.  “Every  species  of  merchandise, 
whenever  it  passed  from  one  owner  to  another,  was  subject 
to  a new  tax.  Merchants,  shop-keepers,  and  small  dealers 
were  obliged  to  report  the  amount  of  their  purchases  and 
sales,  under  oath.”  The  largest  transactions  and  the 
smallest,  from  the  transfer  of  an  estate  to  the  purchases 
from  the  green-grocer,  were  subject  to  this  tribute. 

In  addition  to  the  alcabala , duties  were  exacted  for  the 
privilege  of  transit  through  the  country,  by  which,  it  has 
been  said,  that  European  articles  paid  a tax  or  a duty 
thirty  times  before  they  reached  the  consumer, 
spirit  of  the  Is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  that  six  or  eisrht  mil- 

Colonial  Gov-  . ’ ° 

emment.  lions  of  Mexicans,  crushed  under  such  a despot- 
ism as  this  by  half  a million  of  foreigners,  should  at  length 
grow  weary  of  the  yoke?  No  voice  in  making  their  laws, 
no  part  in  executing  them,  no  representation  of  any  kind, 
the  most  exorbitant  and  extortionate  taxation,  the  most 
unreasonable  restrictions  upon  social  intercourse,  a tyran- 
nical interdiction  of  trade,  the  utter  suppression  of  impor- 
tant domestic  productions  and  manufactures,  the  compulsory 


36 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


purchase  of  Spanish  goods,  tithes  of  everything,  with  the 
most  unjust  exemption  of  the  whole  governing  class, — the 
Church  party  and  a Spanish  aristocracy — from  burdens 
imposed  upon  the  people,  and  from  all  accountability  to 
the  laws  enacted  for  their  victims,  together  with  the  long 
list  of  Fueros  of  the  clerical,  military,  and  privileged 
classes,  make  a fair  counterpart  to  the  catalogue  of  wrongs 
of  Americans  recited  in  our  own  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence! 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  POLITICAL  RELATIONS  OF  SPAIN  AND  MEXICO. 

French  Inter-  In  1808,  Napoleon  I.  announced  “ that  the 

Spain.  House  of  Bourbon  had  ceased  to  reign  in  Spain,” 
placed  his  brother  Joseph  on  the  throne,  and  assembled  a 
junta  of  150  delegates,  to  form  a new  constitution,  which 
was  adopted  and  sworn  to  by  the  King  and  the  Delegates 
July  6th. 

Alliance  of  England  took  sides  with  the  “old  regime,” 

spam.  recognized  Ferdinand  VII.  as  King,  and  sup- 
ported the  “ Spanish  people  ” in  resisting  the  Napoleonic 
dynasty.  A central  junta  at  Seville  guided  the  Spanish 
forces.  The  English  armies  were  under  the  command  of 
Sir  John  Moore  and  Wellington.  The  French  forces 
were  under  the  inspiration  of  Napoleon  and  Marshal 
Soult.  The  Peninsular  War  of  the  Spanish  nation, 
under  the  “ Old  Bourbon  Dynasty,”  with  England  as  an 
ally,  against  the  designs  of  France,  raged  with  varying 
fortunes  to  the  combatants  until  1812. 

The  constitu-  The  Spanish  Cortes,  in  the  progress  of  this 
of  181 2.  confes^  which  the  elements  of  the  old  po- 
litical and  ecclesiastical  despotism,  French  intervention, 


MEXICO  AND  TEE  UNITED  STATES. 


37 


and  liberal,  republican  principles  were  strangely  blended, 
had  adopted  a new  constitution,  embodying  fundamental 
reforms,  known  as  the  Constitution  of  1812. 

The  reaction-  Ferdinand,  on  his  restoration  to  the  throne  by 
orj  movement  Napoleon,  pursuant  to  the  treaty  of  1813,  an- 
nulled all  the  proceedings  of  the  Cortes ; abrogated  the 
Constitution ; re-established  the  old  despotism,  with  all 
its  abuses ; revived  the  Inquisition,  and  persecuted  with  re- 
lentless rigor  all  who  had  sought  to  secure  constitutional 
freedom.  All  the  members  of  the  Cortes  who  had  partici- 
pated in  framing  the  Constitution,  or  who  had  supported 
it,  were  arrested,  tried  by  court  martial,  and  sentenced. 
Not  a few  were  executed.  Hundreds  of  the  most  illus- 
trious were  imprisoned  in  dungeons  at  home,  or  in  Africa. 
The  most  fortunate  were  exiled. 

Six  long  years  Spain  was  the  scene  of  a 
bloody  tragedy ; until  the  perfidious  cruelty  of 
the  revengeful  tyrant  roused  such  universal  reprobation, 
that  the  army  gave  the  signal  of  insurrrection. 

In  January  1820,  the  whole  national  forces 
revolted  against  the  despotism,  proclaimed  anew 
the  Constitution  of  1812,  compelled  Ferdinand  on  the 
9th  of  March  to  convoke  the  Cortes,  and  swear  himself 
to  support  the  Constitution  he  had  seven  years  before 
annulled.  A new  ministry  was  formed,  the  press  declared 
free,  the  Inquisition  abolished,  and  within  a'  few  weeks  a 
new  order  of  things  was  acknowledged  throughout  Spain.* 
Duplicity  of  On  the  9th  of  J uly,  at  the  re-opening  of  the 
Cortes,  Ferdinand  renewed  his  oath  to  the  Con- 


Tyranny  of 
the  king. 


Bevolt  of 
the  army. 


the  king. 


* Honors,  gratuities,  and  pensions  were  showered  upon  the  gene- 
rals and  officers  of  the  army,  who  had  so  successfully  initiated  and 
achieved  the  revolution  in  lavor  of  liberal  principles  and  Constitu- 
tional freedom. 


38 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


stitution,  and'  ostensibly  acted  in  harmony  with  the 
Patriots. 

But  it  was  soon  discovered,  that  he  was  secretly 
intriguing  with  the  enemies  of  the  administration,  and 
encouraging  their  reactionary  plots.  The  Constitution- 
alists, or  liberals,  were  struggling  to  establish  the  govern- 
ment on  the  broad  principles  of  human  rights.  The  ultra- 
Royalists  were  plotting  for  monarchical  and  absolute  power, 
roylaiu!’  an!  The  duplicity  and  perfidy  of  the  King,  the 
party.”  rc  violation  of  his  oath,  and  the  treachery  of  his 
adherents,  resulted  in  conflicts  between  the  opposite 
parties,  and  finally  in  bloody  riots  and  civil  war,  in  the 
Capital  and  throughout  the  country.  The  liberal  party 
formed  a large  majority  of  the  nation.  The  Royalists, 
unable  to  compete  with  the  overwhelming  numbers  in 
favor  of  Constitutional  government  on  liberal  princi- 
ples, resorted  to  the  old  support  of  despotism — the  eccle- 
siastical power  of  “ The  Church.” 

The  church  They  organized  a junta  styled  “the  Apos- 
tolic,” and  raised  bands  of  insurgents,  under 
the  name  and  banner  of  “ The  Army  of  the  Faith.”  They 
demanded  the  restoration  of  the  absolute  power  of  the 
King,  of  the  Convents,  and  of  feudal  institutions.  A 
noted  guerilla  leader,  Merino,  a “ Spanish  Priest,”  at  the 
head  of  bands  of  monks  and  friars,  inaugurated  a regular 
ferocious  guerilla  war, — a perfect  type  of  the  policy 
adopted  by  the  “ Church  party  ” in  Mexico  ever  since. 

The  defeat  of  The  reactionary  movement  was  a failure, 
despotism.  rpj^  R0yaps|s  and  tpe  “ Church  Party  ” were 

completely  defeated.  “The  Army  of  the  Faith”  was 
totally  destroyed.  Its  officers  and  soldiers,  with  the 
ultra-royalist  leaders,  fled  to  France.  It  was  a revolution 
in  the  interest  of  the  liberal  party. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


39 


intervention  But  here,  the  “ Holy  Alliance  ” intervened, 
alliance.  The  Congress  of  Verona  ordered  an  army  to 
march  into  Spain,  and  restore  Ferdinand  to  his  throne.  The 
Constitutionalists  were  unable  to  withstand  the  combined 
forces  of  the  allied  powers.  The  Cortes  were  constrained 
to  declare  King  Ferdinand  re-established.  On  the  30th 
of  September,  1823,  the  restored  monarch  issued  a pro- 
clamation of  general  amnesty,  and  guaranteed  the  en- 
gagements entered  into  by  the  Constitutional  Govern- 
ment. 

Measures  of  The  next  day  he  revoked  the  proclamation, 
^“greS  6 and  all  his  acts  since  March  7,  1820.  On  the 
13th  of  November,  1823,  he  made  his  royal  entrance 
into  the  city  of  Madrid,  with  all  the  pomp  and  circum- 
stance of  a resumption  of  the  crown,  and  with  the  exult- 
ing applause  of  the  Royalists  and  the  “ Church  Party  ” 

The  work  of  vengeance  inaugurated  in  1813, 
was  renewed  with  fearful  intensity.  Inquisi- 
torial terrors  reigned  again,  for  years,  throughout  Spain. 
The  noblest  victims  fell  under  the  sword  of  the  execu- 
tioner. Ferdinand  had  no  mercy  for  Constitutionalists. 
Liberals  and  Republicans  had  none  for  “ The  Church.” 
Effect  of  the  The  Revolution  in  1808,  the  abdication  of 
fhe  colonies.  Charles  IV.  in  favor  of  his  son,  Ferdinand  VII., 
and  the  imposition  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  on  the  throne  of 
Spain  by  Napoleon  I.,  did  not  subvert  the  loyalty  of  the 
people  of  Mexico.  The  Colonists,  amid  all  the  excite- 
ment of  the  times,  cherished  the  old  traditionary  senti- 
ments of  allegiance  to  their  legitimate  sovereign.  Con- 
flicting claims  of  allegiance,  perpetual  conflicts  of  jurisdic- 
tion, and  contradictory  orders  from  Spain,  added  perplex- 
ity to  the  agitation  in  Mexico.  Ferdinand  VII.,  Joseph, 
and  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  had  each  their  partisans, 


40 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


and  were  each  struggling  to  retain  or  secure  the  ascend- 
ency. 


Proposed 

compromise, 


An  attempt  was  made  to  compromise  these 
difficulties  by  a kind  of  provisional  colonial 
government  in  the  hands  of  a junta,  composed  of  the 
Viceroy,  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  officers  of  the  army, 
the  nobility,  the  members  of  the  municipal  government, 
and  the  principal  citizens  of  the  capital. 

Antipathy  of  The  plan  proposed  was  in  favor  of  the  rights 
of  Mexicans,  by  placing  the  Creoles  of  America 
on  a footing  of  equality  with  the  natives  of  Spain.  But 
the  old  hereditary  hatred  of  the  foreign,  for  the  native 
population,  entirely  defeated  the  plan. 

Conquest,  sub-  The  conquest  of  Mexico  Avas  begun  in  the  name 

jugation,  and  # 0 

outrage.  0f  philanthropy  and  religion.  The  bloody  and 
merciless  Avork  of  subjugation  Avas  continued  by  king,  court, 
nobles,  and  conquerors,  as  a grand  filibustering  scheme  of 
robbery  and  plunder.  The  natives  were  held  as  the  merest 
vassals,  serfs,  slaves,  having  no  rights  that  Spaniards  were 
bound  to  respect.  The  Avill  of  the  monarch,  and  the  SA\mrd 
and  chains  of  his  minions,  made  promiscuous  havoc  alike  of 
the  rights,  the  property  and  the  lives  of  the  helpless 
Indians.  An  inextinguishable  hatred  Avas  the  result, 
colonial  During  these  convulsions  and  changes  of  sove- 

reigns  in  Sjiam,  the  colonies  Avere  compelled  to 
frame  some  kind  of  temporary  government  for  themselves. 
Little  instructed  in  the  science  of  government,  and  with  no 
knoAvledge  or  experience  of  Republican  Institutions,  they 
Avere  throAvn  upon  their  OAvn  resources.  They  sought  to 
construct  some  s}7stem  to  secure  those  rights  the  con- 
sciousness of  which  is  AArrought  in  the  very  constitution  of 
the  human  soul.  They  Avere  not  prepared  to  renounce  al- 
legiance to  their  legitimate  king. 


The  feeling  of  loyalty 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


41 


Loyalty. 


and  sympathy  for  their  sovereign  which  education  almost 
makes  an  instinct,  and  habit  makes  a law,  awakened  in  his 
faithful  colonial  subjects  a kind  of  enthusiasm  for  the  exiled 
Ferdinand,  and  a mortal  hate  for  the  conqueror  of  Spain 
and  the  successor  he  had  imposed  upon  the  throne,  and 
whom  they  regarded  as  the  merest  parvenu  and  usurper. 

It  is  said  there  was  such  a loyal  unanimity 
amono-  all  classes,  that  in  a few  months  seven 
millions  of  dollars  were  contributed  to  aid  the  loyalists 
in  Spain,  who  were  fighting  for  their  king,  nationality  and 
religion. 

Rise  of  Mexi-  But  the  course  of  events  hurried  the  Mexicans 
independence,  to  a consideration  of  their  owrn  rights.  The  king 
who  occupied  the  throne  was  not  a Spaniard,  but  a 
Frenchman.  The  tie  between  the  ancient  crown  and  the 
colony  was  sundered.  The  memory  of  ages  of  renown, 
and  of  the  ancestral  glory  of  old  Spain,  fired  the  hearts  of 
the  native  Spaniards.  The  memory  of  ages  of  oppression 
fired  the  souls  of  the  descendants  of  the  Aztecs.  Step  by 
step  the  idea  of  resistance  to  their  own,  and  their  ances- 
tors’ oppressors  gained  progress  and  strength. 

Aspirations  At  length,  in  1810,  a secret  plot  was  formed  to 
after  Freedom.  over^}irow  the  Spanish  ascendency  in  the  colony, 

and  to  place  the  prerogatives  and  power  of  their  absent 
king  in  the  hands  of  native  Mexicans.  The  scheme, 
however,  was  discovered  and  defeated. 

The  first  cry  Here  begins  the  story  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  y 

for  Liberty.  Qostilla — a name  that  will  be  honored  as  long  as 
Mexico  has  a name  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  He  wras 


a native  Indian,  curate  of  the  village  of  Dolores,  in  the 
province  of  Guanajuato, — the  patriot  priest  who  first 
raised  the  standard  of  “ native  rights,”  and  of  “ the  inde- 
pendence of  Mexico.” 


42 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Thenprising  At  the  cry  of  this  country  cure,  in  1810,  the 
of  the  Aztecs^  Xndi  ans  flew  to  arms,  enrolled  themselves 

as  soldiers,  and  took  their  first,  hard,  self-taught  lessons  in 
military  life.  Under  all  the  disabilities  so  long  imposed 
upon  their  race,  it  was  a stern  and  bitter  discipline.  But 
stirred  and  sustained  by  the  love  of  liberty  and  right, 
they  manifested  a courage  and  intrepidity,  an  indomita- 
ble spirit,  worthy  of  any  of  the  lovers  and  martyrs  of 
liberty,  of  any  age  or  land. 

The  Aztec  If  is  true,  they  were  as  irregular,  as  undrilled, 
\ oiuntee’s.  an(j  as  destitute  of  accoutrements,  ammunition 
and  arms,  as  the  extemporized  troops  that  rushed  to  Lex- 
ington and  Bunker  Hill.  But  they  were  as  true  and  self- 
sacrificing.  They  went  to  sow  their  fields  and  save  their 
harvests,  and  returned  to  the  drill  and  the  discipline  of 
the  camp.  Again  they  scattered  to  protect  and  provide 
for  their  families,  and  again  returned  under  the  flag.  In 
respect  to  all  the  external  appointments  that  give  prestige 
and  power  to  military  organization,  they  were  utterly 
destitute.  There  was  no  military  chest,  no  quarter-mas- 
ter’s department,  no  commissary  stores,  nor  ordnance  sup- 
plies. In  respect  to  high-souled,  liberty-loving  patriotism, 
according  to  the  light  they  had,  where  have  been  their 
superiors  ? They  were  simple,  unsophisticated,  undisci- 
plined volunteers.  They  equipped  themselves,  they  sup- 
ported themselves.  The  very  women  preceded  the  columns 
on  the  march,  fulfilling  the  triple  functions  of  purveyors, 
cooks  and  nurses. 

Such  is  the  connection  between  the  political  elements 
and  the  revolutionary  movements  in  Spain  and  in  Mexico. 
The  sequel  will  show  them  pervading  all  the  great  acts, 
in  the  successive  changes,  revolutions  and  constitutions, 
down  through  1821,  1859,  to  the  present  day. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


43 


CHAPTER  III. 


IDENTITY  OP  THE  POLITICAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN 

REPUBLICANS. 

The  origin  of  The  fundamental  principles  involved  in  the 
ricau  ideas,  struggles  of  the  Mexicans  for  the  independence 
and  liberties  of  their  country,  are  the  identical  principles  for 
which  the  fathers  of  our  Republic  contended ; — principles 
proclaimed  to  the  world  in  our  Declaration  of  the  “in- 
alienable rights  of  man,”  in  1776  ; re-affirmed  at  Paris  by 
the  Republicans  of  France  in  1789  ; repeated  by  the 
Patriots  of  Spain  at  Madrid,  in  1810;  re-echoed  back  to 
Europe  by  the  proclamation  of  the  Republicans  of  Mexico 
in  1821.  * 

The  great  American  ideas  of  the  rights  of  man,  and  of 
human  government,  have  thus  described  in  their  circuit, 
as  it  respects  the  dominant  powers  and  nations  of  both 
hemispheres,  a great  circle  of  the  political  world. 

The  germs  They  are  substantially  the  same  as  those  that 
Bo11-  marked  the  struggles  which  preceded  and  fol- 

lowed the  British  Constitution  ; convulsed,  for  generations, 
the  whole  fabric  of  society  in  wars  and  revolutions  for  the 
overthrow  of  monarchical  and  feudal  assumptions,  and  the 
establishment  of  the  rights  of  “ the  people.” 

The  outgrowths  They  are  the  same  principles  which  the  pres- 
ent generation  of  the  United  States  have  receiv- 
ed from  our  fathers,  at  the  expense  of  priceless  sacrifices 
of  treasure,  blood,  and  life.  They  are  the  corner-stone  and 
the  top-stone  of  the  temple  of  American  liberties, — the 
glory  of  our  heritage  in  that  system  for  the  organization 
of  society,  and  the  establishment  of  civil,  social,  and  relig- 
ious institutions,  which  has  developed  in  less  than  a cen- 


44 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


tury  a commonwealth  of  six  ancl  thirty  states,  and  of  six 
and  thirty  millions  of  people,  distinguished  for  a degree 
of  intelligence,  general  education,  wealth,  enterprise,  pros- 
perity, morality,  religion  and  happiness,  such  as  no  other 
nation  has  ever  attained. 

The  family  of  They  are  the  same  principles  that  marked  the 

Kings  and  the  "l.  1 7 

family  of  Man.  struggling  way  of  human  rights  and  libert  ies  in 
continental  Europe,  for  more  than  five  hundred  years. 
The  old  contest  between  the  “family  of  kings  ” and  the 
“ family  of  man  ” is  transferred  to  Mexico.  Papal,  hie- 
rarchical, and  ecclesiastical  domination,  losing  its  hold  upon 
the  thrones,  the  powers,  and  the  nations  of  Europe,  made  a 
dying  struggle  to  lay  in  Mexico  the  foundations  of  another 
Roman  supremacy,  and  to  repeat  in  the  new  world  the 
role  of  the  Papacy,  of  Jesuitism,  and  of  the  Inquisition  in 
the  old. 


The  intoler- 
able Yoke. 


Despotism  in  The  maligned  Mexican  civil  war  has  been 
simply  the  uprising  ot  an  oppressed  and  persecu- 
ted “ people,”  and  their  resistance  to  a despotism,  monarchi- 
cal and  ecclesiastical,  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  human 
wrongs  and  atrocities. 

A civil  war  ! It  was  the  protest  and  the  cry 
of  an  oppressed  race,  and  a betrayed  nation, 
struggling  for  life.  It  was  the  last  despairing  effort  of  a 
people,  crushed,  exhausted,  enfeebled,  depressed  by  three 
centuries  of  unutterable  woes.  Three  of  the  mightiest  pow- 
ers of  Christendom  pounced  down  upon  the  feeble  State,  to 
extinguish  its  nationality  and  divide  the  spoils.  In  vain 
their  victims  asserted  the  “ inalienable  rights  of  man.”  In 
vain  they  invoked  the  laws  of  nations  against  perfidy  and 
extortion.  In  vain  they  claimed  the  liberties  and  rights 
which  every  nation,  every  race,  and  every  human  being 
have  received  from  their  Creator. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


45 


European 

example. 


Sympathy 

misplaced 


And  neither  England,  France,  nor  Spain,  nor 
old  Rome  itself,  Pagan  or  Papal,  can  show  a 
fairer  record  than  the  wronged  and  defenceless  Mexicans 
present,  of  righteous  claims,  of  intrepid  patriotism,  of  self- 
sacrifice  and  suffering  in  the  cause  of  their  country,  their 
government,  or  of  humanity. 

England,  France,  and  Spain  have  had  each  a 
memorable  history.  It  would  almost  seem  that 
their  statesmen  and  journalists  of  the  present  day  had 
never  learned,  or  had  forgotten  it.  Their  origin,  their 
wars,  and  revolutions,  their  struggles  with  King-craft  and 
Priestcraft,  with  every  form  of  usurpation  and  tyranny, 
have  only  antedated  those  of  Mexico  by  a few  centuries. 
And  every  element  of  opposition  and  calumny  heaped 
upon  Mexico,  is  found,  “ mutatis  mutandis,”  in  their  own 
historians,  applied  to  themselves. 


THE  CONQUEST  AND  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 


Ancestors  of  “ Nothing,”  says  Macauley,  “ in  the  early  exist- 

Eugiishmen.  ence  Qrea£  Britain,  indicated  the  greatness 

which  she  was  destined  to  attain.  Her  inhabitants,  when 
first  they  became  known  to  the  Tyrian  mariners,  were  lit- 
tle superior  to  the  natives  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  She 
was  subjugated  by  the  Roman  arms.  She  was  the  last  of 
the  provinces  of  the  Ciesars  that  was  conquered,  and  the 
first  that  was  flung  away.  No  magnificent  remains  of 
Latian  porches  and  aqueducts  are  to  be  found  in  Britain.  * * 
In  Britain,  the  conquered  race  became  as  barbarous  as  the 
conquerors.”  * * * “From  communion  ” (with  the  ancient 
civilization)  ” Britain  was  cut  off.  Her  shores  were,  to  the 
polished  race  which  dwelt  by  the  Bosphorus,  objects  of  a 
mysterious  horror,  such  as  that  with  which  the  Ionians, 


46 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  the  age  of  Homer,  had  regarded  the  straits  of  Scylla, 
and  the  city  of  the  Laestrygonian  cannibals.”  “ There 
was  one  province  of  our  Island,  in  which,  as  Procopius 
had  been  told,  the  ground  Avas  covered  with  serpents,  and 
the  air  was  such  that  no  man  could  inhale  it  and  live.” 

In  one  of  Cicero’s  letters,  alluding  to  the  origin  of  the 
British  colony,  the  old  Homan  said,  “ As  for  the  inhabi- 
tants, they  are  ignorant,  stupid,  have  no  knowledge  of 
music,  and  are  unfit  for  the  meanest  situation  in  the  house- 
hold of  our  friend  Atticus.” 

ungenerous  Such  are  the  statements.  Whether  true  or  false, 
it  may  be  as  much  a question  of  truth  as  of  taste, 
whether  English  statesmen,  diplomats,  authors,  editors, 
military  and  naval  officers,  should  indulge  in  their  cease- 
less and  opprobrious  flings  at  Mexico  and  the  Mexicans. 
Time  was  when  Britons  were  described  as  “ painted  sav- 
ages.” For  four  hundred  years  England  was  convulsed 
with  a succession  of  conflicts  and  wars,  with  which  noth- 
ing in  the  last  forty  years  of  the  Mexican  struggle  can 
compare. 


civil  wars  of  There  were  wars  for  the  “throne,”  for  the 

“ church,”  for  the  “ state  ; ” contests  for  Papal 
or  Begal  supremacy ; contests  between  kings  and 
queens,  parliaments  and  commons  ; there  were  conflicts 
of  races,  and  all  the  jealousies  and  feuds  of  chieftains  and 
nobles  ; there  were  bloody  battle-fields,  private  frays,  and 
secret  assassinations  ; the  axe  of  the  executioner,  fire  and 
faggot,  did  their  work  ; there  is  no  alleged  barbarity  or 
atrocity  in  the  forty  years’  Mexican  struggle  for  human 
rights,  that  has  not  its  counterpart,  in  tenfold  degree, 
during  the  four  hundred  years  of  the  wars  of  England  for 
civil  and  religious  liberty. 


« MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


47 


THE  FIRST  GREAT  ENGLISH  REVOLTTION. — 1640. 

The  great  Mag-  At  the  commencement  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 

nacharta.  tury,  the  long  contest  between  the  Crown  and 
the  Barons  was  settled.  The  great  “ Magna  Charta  ” of 
“English  Liberties”  was  extorted  from  King  John,  not- 
Avithstanding  the  excommunication  and  anathema  of  the 
Pope.  “From  this,”  says  Macauley,  “commences  the 
history  of  the  English  nation.”  “ Here  was  the  origin  of 
our  freedom,  our  prosperity,  and  our  glory.”  “ Then  it 
was  that  the  English  people  was  formed,  and  the  national 
character  began  to  exhibit  those  peculiarities  in  politics, 
feelings,  and  manners,  that  it  has  ever  since  retained.” 
“ Then  first  appeared  that  Constitution,  which  has  ever 
since,  through  all  changes,  preserved  its  identity ; that 
‘ Constitution,1  of  which  all  the  other  free  constitutions  of 
the  world  are  copies.”  “ Then  it  was  that  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  archetype  of  all  the  representative  assem- 
blies which  now  meet,  either  in  the  old  or  in  the  new 
world,  held  its  first  sittings  “ that  Common  Law  rose  to 
the  dignity  of  a science,”  and  became  “ the  rival  of  impe- 
rial jurisprudence  ; ” “ that  the  most  ancient  colleges,  at 
both  the  great  national  seats  of  learning,  were  founded.” 
“ Then  appeared  the  first  faint  dawn  of  that  noble  litera- 
ture, the  most  splendid  and  the  most  durable  of  the  many 
glories  of  England.” 

constitutional  Under  this  great  instrument  the  English  mon- 
Monarchy.  archy?  for  a peri0(J  0f  four  hundred  years,  made 

its  way  through  all  the  collisions  and  conflicts  between 
the  King,  lords,  and  commons,  and  all  the  antagonistic 
elements  in  church  and  state. 

popular  rights  The  Constitution,  supported  by  statute  law, 

and  liberties.  -i  , , ■.  * i r- 

guarded,  to  an  extent  never  known  before, 


48 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  * 


the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people.  According  to  law, 
without  the  consent  of  the  representatives  of  the  nation,  no 
royal  decree  could  be  enforced,  no  tax  imposed,  no  mili- 
tary establishment  maintained,  no  arbitrary  imprisonment 
inflicted,  nor  the  legal  rights  of  the  humblest  subject  be 
violated. 


Fruits  of  false 
Principles. 


But  gradual  encroachments  upon  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  people,  and  the  persistent  in- 
culcation of  false  political  and  religious  doctrines,  paved 
the  way  for  another  revolution,  and  a new  proclamation 


of  the  rights  of  man. 


The  “ Divine  The  Papacy  and  the  “ church  party 11  taught 

Right”  and  1 . J 1 J ° 

Human  Rights,  that  “ hereditary  monarchy  alone,  among  all  the 
institutions  of  the  kingdom,  was  divine  and  inviolable ; 
that  the  right  of  the  House  of  Commons  to  a share  in  the 
legislative  power  was  a right  merely  human;  that  the 
right  of  the  King  to  the  obedience  of  the  people  was  the 
ancient  ordinance  of  God;  that  the  ‘Great  Charter’ 
was  a statute,  that  might  be  repealed  by  those  who  made 
it ; but  that  the  title  of  the  Princes  of  the  Royal  blood  to 
the  throne,  in  the  order  of  succession,  was  of  celestial  ori- 
gin^ and  could  never  be  invalidated.” 

ijberty  and  It  was  the  necessity  and  the  province  of  the 

new  revolution  to  reaffirm  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  liberty  and  law — the  grounds,  prerogatives,  and 
limitations  of  royal  authority,  and  the  relative  duties  and 
obligations  of  rulers  and  people. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


49 


THE  SECOND  GREAT  HISTORICAL  REVOLUTION,  1688. 


Another  Rev-  From  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  to 

olution  in  00 

England.  near  c}oge  0f  the  seventeenth  century,  Eng- 
land was  the  theatre  of  as  much  intestine  commotion  and 
war,  of  as  much  intense  hatred  and  hostility  of  races  ; of 
as  much  bitter  and  rancorous  religious  hate  and  persecu- 
tion ; of  as  much  bloodthirsty  and  blood-shedding  strife 
between  races,  tribes,  clans,  families,  parties  and  individ- 
uals, kings,  queens,  nobles,  parliaments,  prelates  and 
popes,  as  can  be  named  in  the  history  of  any  other  four 
hundred  years  of  any  other  nation  in  the  course  of  time.  If 
there  be  any  exceptions,  they  are  those  of  France  and  Spain. 
The  oid  con-  And  yet,  pervading  the  whole,  there  has  been 
always  conspicuous  one  noble  party  oj  patriots 
and  martyrs  of  liberty , who  have  maintained,  from  age  to 
age,  the  determined,  persistent  struggle  for  the  “ inalien- 
able ” civil  and  religious  rights  of  man. 

O O 

It  is  the  distinguishing  and  immortal  monu- 
ment of  England’s  glory,  that  the  men  of  her 
civil  wars  and  revolutions  did  not  succumb  to  any  papal, 
or  regal,  or  feudal  domination,  or  any  foreign  intervention 
whatever ! 

Freedom  the  A strange  apostasy  it  must  be,  if  any  of  the 

universal  birth-  0 A ^ 

risbt-  sons  of  English  liberties,  who  can  look  with 
indifference,  not  to  say  with  hostility  and  contempt,  upon 
the  noble  struggles  of  Mexican  patriots  to  obtain,  as  their 
birthright  too,  that  which  is  the  crowning  glory  of  the  heri- 
tage of  Englishmen ! 


Indomitable  En- 
lish  Patriots. 


50 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


THE  GREAT  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION,  1776. 

The  American  The  Declaration  of  American  Independence, 

Declaration  in  1 

Dm  July  4th,  1776,  “ m the  name  and  by  the  author- 
ity of  the  good  people  of  the  Colonies,”  and  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  of  America,  1787,  under  the  for- 
mula, “ We  the  People,”  inaugurated  a new  era  in  the 
history  of  human  governments.  These  dates  mark  the 
beginning  of  the  great  transition  in  the  seats  of  political 
power.  They  mark  at  once  the  grand  epoch,  era,  and 
crisis  in  modern  civilization. 

Philadelphia  has  the  honor  of  beiug  the  birthplace  of 
those  immortal  documents,  which  herald,  almost  like  the 
Song  of  Bethlehem,  “ good  will  ” to  the  “ brotherhood  ” 
of  man. 

The  attitude  of  It  is  scarcely  possible,  at  the  present  day,  to 
the  Signeib.  apprecja^e  the  moral  grandeur  of  the  acts  of  the 

Fathers  of  the  Republic.  In  the  face  of  the  mightiest 
power  in  Christendom,  who  held  undisputed  the  Empire 
of  the  seas,  and  whose  “ morning  drum-beat  ” followed  the 
“ circuit  of  the  sun,”  the  little  handful  of  patriots  pro- 
claimed before  the  whole  world  the  independence,  the  unity, 
the  nationality,  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation. 

“ Liee,  Fortune,  Sacred  Honor,”  was  the  fraternal 
pledge  of  united,  calm,  deliberate,  sublime  self-sacrifice 
for  the  political  emancipation  of  their  country,  and  of 
mankind. 

The  issue  joined  between  despotism  and  freedom  is 
briefly  told  in  the  following  clauses : 

The  resolution  of  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  in 
view  of  the  aggressions  of  England  : “ It  is  necessary  that 
the  exercise  of  every  kind  of  authority  under  said  croivn 
should  he  totally  suppressed.'1'1 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


51 


The  resolution  of  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia : 
— “ That  these  United  States  are , and  of  right  ought  to  he, 
free  and  independent .” 

The  Declaration : “ We  hold  these  truths  to  he  self-evi- 
dent,, that  all  men  are  created  equal ; and  are  endowed  hy 
their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights ; that  among 
these  are  life , liberty , and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. ” 

The  Preamble  : “ We,  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
in  order  to  form  a more  perfect  union,  establish  justice, 
insure  domestic  tranquillity , provide  for  the  common  de- 
fence, promote  the  general  welfare , and  secure  the  blessings 
of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and 
establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  Amer- 

• ff 

ica. 


The  proclamation  of  these  truths  and  principles  in  the 
great  original  State  Papers  of  the  Republic  was  a very 
different  thing  from  their  repetition  to-day. 

The  nation,  in  its  infancy,  in  its  weakness,  in 
its  inexperience,  rose  against  the  oppressions  of 
a mighty  empire  of  a thousand  years.  It  had  nothing  to 
oppose  to  this  vast  overshadowing  power  but  the  majesty 
of  truth  and  right. 

o 


The  Principles 
and  the  Men. 


The  act  of  the  u Signers  of  the  Declaration  ” electri- 
fied the  world.  It  was  a sublime  spectacle.  The  response 
of  the  nation,  and  the  sequel  of  the  “ War  of  our  Indepen- 
dence,” were  events  in  the  annals  of  time  that  will  sur- 
vive, in  the  memory  of  man,  all  the  pyramids  and  pillars 
of  antiquity. 


Moral  suh-  It  was  not  merely  the  little  handful  of  colo- 
nists rejecting  the  yoke  of  the  mother  country, 
nor  the  unequal  contest  of  a feeble,  scarcely  organized,  and 
dependent  people,  resisting  the  power  of  the  empire  on 
which  the  “ sun  never  sets,” — it  was  the  grounds  of  the 


52 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


immortal  “ Declaration .”  It  was  not  now  the  uprising  of  a 
great  'people,  hut  the  resurrection  of  great  principles , that 
startled  the  world. 

Monarchs  and  The  Kino;  of  England  was  the  mightiest 

the  rights  of  . ® - -r,  ° - , ° 

Mcn-  monarch,  and  the  British  empire  the  strongest 
military  and  naval  power  of  the  earth.  The  claims  of  the 
“ crown 11  were  such  as  all  the  monarchies  of  Europe  held 
as  “ Divine.11  King,  Court,  and  Nobles,  in  all  their  power 
and  pride,  the  accumulations  of  a thousand  years  of  royal 
ancestry  and  feudal  privileges  and  traditions,  could  scarcely 
brook  the  paper  defiance  of  colonial  rebels.  But  the 
issue  was  joined, — the  great  initial  issue  between  the  rights 
of  monarchs  and  the  rights  of  man. 
mSs?onersCom’  In  1777-80,  three  American  Commissioners, 
peopie^ench  Franklin,  Adams,  and  Lee,  were  sent  to  Paris,  to 
negotiate  for  assistance,  in  money  and  arms,  from  the 
French  Government.  It  seemed  that  the  feeble  forces 
of  the  States,  with  neither  fleet  nor  military  resources,  nor 
supplies,  must  be  crushed,  unless  they  could  secure  the 
aid  of  some  friendly  foreign  power.  The  French  People 
manifested  a strong  sympathy  Avith  the  American  cause. 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION,  1789. 

The Repubii-  In  1789,  the  Republicans  of  France,  in  Na- 
cans  of  France.  Assembly,  took  up  the  principles  of 

American  Republicanism  and  adopted  them  as  their  OAvn. 
One  of  the  first  steps  of  the  Assembly  Avas  to  issue  a De- 
claration of  the  “rights  of  man.11 

The  three  great  pillars  of  the  French  Constitution 
Avere  here  hewn  out  and  erected, — “ Liberty,  Fraternity, 
Equality.1 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


53 


In  the  Declaration  of  Rights  they  affirm  : 

1.  The  original  equality  of  all  mankind. 

2.  That  the  ends  of  social  union  are,  liberty,  property, 

security,  and  resistance  of  oppression. 

3.  That  Sovereignty  resides  in  the  nation,  and  that  every 

power  emanates  from  them. 

4.  That  freedom  consists  in  doing  every  thing  that  does 

not  injure  another. 

5.  That  law  is  the  expression  of  the  general  will. 

6.  That  public  burdens  should  be  borne  by  the  members 

of  the  State  in  proportion  to  their  fortunes. 

7.  That  the  elective  franchise  should  be  extended  to  all. 

8.  That  the  exercise  of  natural  rights  has  no  other  limit 

but  the  interference  with  the  rights  of  others. 

This  Assembly,  of  1,119  members,  was  composed  of 
two  hundred  and  ninety-one  deputies  of  the  clergy,  two 
hundred  and  seventy  of  the  nobles,  five  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  of  the  “ tiers  etat,”  or  middle  class.  Among  the 
principal  measures  adopted  were, 

1.  The  King  suspended  from  his  functions. 

2.  The  suppression  of  all  titles  of  nobility. 

3.  The  abolition  of  all  feudal  privileges. 

4.  Freedom  of  religion  and  of  the  press. 

5.  The  property  of  the  clergy  declared  to  belong  to  the 

nation,  and  placed  at  the  disposition  of  the  treasury. 

6.  The  political  division  of  the  kingdom. 


THE  REVOLUTION  IN  SPAIN,  1812. 


Republicans 
of  Spain. 


In  1812,  the  Republicans  of  Spain  followed 
the  example  of  those  in  France  and  in  the  Uni- 
ted States.  The  Constitution  of  the  Cortes,  and  the  reso- 
lutions and  decrees  of  the  junta  and  clubs  of  Madrid,  were 
in  perfect  harmony  with  the  principles  and  declaration  of 
the  assembly  at  Paris.  They  declared, 


54 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


1.  The  abolition  of  all  exclusive  privileges. 

2.  The  investiture  in  the  nation  of  all  seignorial  juris- 

diction. 

3.  The  establishment  of  entire  freedom  of  the  press. 

4.  The  abolition  of  the  Inquisition,  and  of  the  order  of 

the  Jesuits,  and  of  all  emblems  and  monuments  Avhich 
bore  reference  to  them. 

5.  The  prohibition  of  all  monastic  vows. 

6.  The  Institution  of  National  Guards,  with  their  officers 

appointed  by  the  election  of  the  privates. 

7.  The  preservation  of  all  monastic  property,  to  be  dis- 

posed of  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation. 


TIIE  IIEVOLTJTION  IN  MEXICO,  1812. 


Republicans  In  1812,  the  first  Mexican  “Congress”  met 
of  cxico.  jn  tjie  c-f.y  0f  Qhilpancingo.  They  adopted  the 
ideas  and  opinions  of  the  Spanish  Cortes,  and  of  the 
French  Assembly,  and  borrowing  the  very  name  of  our 
Congress,  and  imitating  our  example,  declared  the  “ In- 
dependence of  Mexico.” 

Among  the  first  acts  of  the  Congress,  were  the  follow- 
ing declarations  : 


1.  That  the  Mexican  nation  resumed  its  sovereignty,  and 

exercised  it  by  its  representatives. 

2.  That  Slavery  was  abolished. 

3.  That  all  privileges  of  birth  and  color  were  annulled. 

4.  That  torture  should  no  longer  be  inflicted. 

5.  That  the  rights  of  property  should  be  protected. 

6.  That  foreign  commerce  should  be  permitted,  under 

moderate  duties. 

7.  That  the  Laws  should  require  patriotism  and  loyalty  ; 

limit  alike  excesses  of  opulence  and  poverty  ; tend  to 
increase  the  wages  of  the  poor,  and  diminish  popular 
ignorance,  vice,  and  crime. 

8.  That  all  gambling  should  be  forbidden,  and  the  manu- 

facture even  of  playing  cards  prohibited. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


55 


9.  That  all  debts  to  Spaniards  should  be  repudiated,  on 
the  principle  that  their  property  was  forfeited  and 
confiscated. 

10.  That  any  assistance  to  the  Spaniards,  by  writing,  word, 

or  deed,  should  be  accounted  as  high  treason,  as  also 
a refusal  to  contribute  towards  the  expenses  of  the 
war  of  independence. 

At  the  same  time  the  following  additional  declarations 
were  issued,  indicating  just  the  progress  that  had  been 
made  in  their  ideas  of  religious,  as  well  as  of  civil  liberty. 

11.  That  the  Catholic  religion  only  should  be  recognized 

and  allowed  in  the  State. 

12.  That  the  press  should  be  free  for  all  purposes  of 

science  and  political  economy,  but  not  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  religious  matters ! 

The  course  of  subsequent  events  educated  the  people 
irresistibly  up  to  the  broad  and  thorough  principles  of 
universal  civil  and  religious  liberty.  It  was  not  the  stride 
of  a day.  The  pathway  from  bondage  to  freedom  has 
always  been  a long  and  toilsome  journey  of  privation,  trial, 
suffering  and  death  through  the  wilderness.  For  the  Jew- 
ish  nation,  it  took  forty  years  ; for  England,  four  hundred. 
France  commenced  the  bloody  agony  fourscore  years  ago, 
and  has  not  yet  reached  the  promised  land.  Spain, — but 
we  hardly  know  yet,  whether  she  has  crossed  the  sea.  We 
have  had  our  own  fearful  baptism,  and  Mexico,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  is  just  emerging  from  hers. 

But  the  great  conflict  is  raging.  The  whole  earth  is 
one  vast  Egypt.  Pharaoh  and  his  hosts  are  in  every  land. 
The  cry  of  the  victims  of  the  oppressor  has  reached  unto 
Heaven.  A few  pages  in  a chapter,  will  disclose  the 
mighty  issues  which  divide  the  world  to-day.  The  princi- 
ples promulgated  by  despotism,  are  often  but  the  merest 


56 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


pretexts  to  disguise  the  aim.  But  the  proclamations  of 
freedom  have  no  concealment  nor  hypocrisy. 

Contrast  the  Republican  declarations  of  human  rights, 
with  the  manifestos  of  Kings,  the  Encyclicals  and  Allocu- 
tions of  Popes,  and  mark  their  distinctive  principles  as 
-diverse  from  each  other,  as  light  and  darkness,  as  life  and 
death.  If  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Institutions 
of  the  United  States,  are  the  principles  which  God  has 
given  to  mankind,  as  Heaven's  own  Charter  of  human 
rights, — then  the  Republicans  of  Mexico  have  been  joining 
the  holy  cause,  and  the  cry  of  humanity  for  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty ! Mexico  and  the  United  States  should 
stand  or  fall  together,  in  the  assertion  before  all  the  world 
— of  the  absolute,  universal,  necessary,  indispensable,  and 
eternal  equality  of  the  rights  of  man. 


PART  III. 


THE  RELIGIOUS  ELEMENT  IN  THE  MEXICAN  QUESTION. 


CHAPTER  I. 


GENERAL  VIEWS. 


Object  of  this 
Work. 


The  real  issue 
in  Mexico. 


The  object  of  this  volume  is,  to  present  a sim- 
ple, truthful,  impartial  statement  of  facts,  and 
such  views,  and  such  only,  as  the  facts  themselves  suggest 
and  sustain.  It  will  be  a difficult  task  to  present  the  ec- 
clesiastical and  religious  aspects  of  the  subject  without  prej- 
udice or  partiality.  The  statements  will  be  confined  to 
undeniable  historic  facts,  and  held  up  to  view  in  the  light 
of  the  XIX.  century,  and  in  their  relations  to  the  pro- 
gress of  modern  civilization. 

There  is  no  personal  party  or  sinister  object  to 
be  served.  The  rights  of  Mexicans,  civil  and  re- 
ligious are  the  same,  and  rest  on  the  same  grounds  as  the 
rights  of  all  Americans,  and  of  all  mankind.  The  assertion 
and  defence  of  these  rights,  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  at  such 
costof  treasure,  blood,  and  life,  have  been  really  a sacrifice 
for  humanity.  The  Mexican  Republican  Patriots  have 
made  common  cause  with  the  friends  of  freedom  all  over 
the  world.  The  offering  up  of  the  life-blood  of  this  young, 
struggling  Republic,  in  the  face  of  the  mighty  confederacy 
of  its  foes,  has  been  a grand  and  heroic  exhibition  of  self- 
sacrifice  and  suffering  for  the  fundamental  principles  of 
modern  civilization. 


58 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Limitations  of 
responsibility. 


Lest  the  plain  narrative  of  incontestible  facts,  and  the 
views  and  objects  of  this  volume,  should  be  misunderstood 
and  misrepresented,  it  is  here  repeated ; that  there  is  no 
animosity  or  unfriendliness  whatever  towards  any  profess- 
edly Christian  organization,  as  such.  The  only  enmity,  is 
enmity  to  error ; the  only  opposition,  opposition  to  wrong. 

No  living  men,  or  existing  institutions  among 
men,  can  be  held  responsible  for  the  errors  and 
abuses  of  past  ages.  None  are  accountable  for  wrongs 
they  did  nothing  to  introduce,  have  done  nothing  to  per- 
petuate, and  now  withhold  nothing  in  their  power  to  re- 
move. There  is  a distinction  however,  wide  as  the  heavens, 
between  the  system  of  eternal  truths  and  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion  revealed  from  God,  and  the  accretions 
of  error  during  eighteen  hundred  years,  and  the  attendant 
corruptions,  perversions,  and  inventions  of  men. 

The  Christian  The  Christian  religion  was  founded  on  the  eter- 
nal principles  of  truth  and  justice, — the  everlast- 
ing foundations  of  love  to  God,  and  love  to  man.  It  places 
every  human  being  on  a footing  of  equality  before  his 
Maker  and  the  Divine  law,  and  before  his  fellow-men  and 
human  law.  But  the  renunciation  and  abandonment  of 
these  principles,  among  all  modern  governments,  have  been 
the  source  and  potent  cause  of  the  oppressions,  revolutions, 
and  civil  wars  of  Christendom. 

Errors  and  It  will  be  a matter  of  profound  regret  if  any- 
th in  2;  in  this  volume  shall  be  understood  as  re- 
fleeting  upon  any  of  the  truths  or  institutions  of  the  Holy 
Catholic  Christian  Religion.  It  is  necessary,  however, 


I.  To  exhibit  the  errors  and  abuses  which  in  the  pro- 
gress of  ages  have  crept  into  a system,  Divine  in  its  origin, 
but,  corrupted,  encumbered,  and  desecrated  by  the  super- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


59 


stitions  of  sinful  and  erring  men,  has  lost  its  virgin  purity, 
and  is  shorn  of  its  life-giving  power. 


Christianity  ut-  II.  To  show  to  what  an  abyss  of  degeneracy 
teriy  perverted.  and  degradation  the  system  claiming  to  be,  or  to 

represent,  the  holy  and  spiritual  Christian  religion  had 
reached,  in  Mexico ; and  that,  whatever  was  the  cause, 
wherever  lay  the  responsibility,  upon  monarch,  prelate,  or 
priest,  the  whole  ecclesiastical  fabric  had  utterly  failed  of 
its  mission.  It  neither  instructed  nor  comforted  nor 
guided  the  people  in  the  “ way  of  life.”  On  the  contrary, 
instead  of  being  a blessing,  it  was  an  unmitigated  curse. 


Reformation  or  destruction  had  become  an  absolute  and 
inevitable  necessity. 

T>  It  is  a very  remarkable  and  instructive  fact, 

[;;dhe'uniuTh  that  in  no  country  in  the  world  does  the  Roman 
Catholic  branch  of  the  church  occupy  so  com- 
manding and  respected  a position  as  in  the  United  States. 

Nowhere  else  are  its  clergy,  regular  and  secular,  so 
Avell  educated,  so  much  esteemed  for  their  culture,  their 
refinement,  their  generally  unexceptionable  lives,  and  ex- 
emplary usefulness. 

Character  and  In  no  Roman  Catholic  country  are  its 

influence  of  the  . 

ciergy.  churches,  institutions,  and  schools  so  well  ap- 
pointed, and  so  well  conducted.  Nowhere  are  the  funda- 
mental and  essential  truths  of  Christianity  so  well  under- 
stood, and  so  intelligently  embraced  : namely,  u Salvation 
alone  through  the  blood  of  Christ  ; repentance , faith , 
and  a new  and  a Christian  life.''  In  vain  you  look  to 
any  other  land  for  a Roman  Catholic  population  so  well 
to  do,  so  generally  intelligent  and  enlightened,  so  desirous 
of  improvement,  so  useful  and  so  happy.  Neither  France, 
Spain,  Austria,  Italy,  nor  Rome  itself,  can  in  any  respect 


60 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


begin  to  compare  witli  the  United  States  in  these  features 
of  the  American  branch  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church, 
source  of  its  The  source  and  support  of  all  these  incalcula- 
prospci  ble  "blessings  and  advantages  are  found  in  the 
civil  and  political  institutions  of  the  United  States.  They 
are  the  legitimate  fruits  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Gov- 
ernment. The  great  American  ideas,  absolute  separation 
of  Church  and  State,  independent  church  organizations, 
freedom  of  opinion,  freedom  of  conscience,  freedom  of 
worship,  of  speech,  of  education,  and  of  the  press,  are  the 
foundations  of  all  this  prosperity. 

We  turn  to  the 


“ Church  ” in  Mexico. 

Roman  Catholic  The  testimony  of  all,  natives  and  foreigners, 

Church  in  J m 9 # 

Mexico.  old  residents  and  travellers,  intelligent  individ- 
uals  of  the  priesthood  and  of  the  laity,  of  monarchists, 
conservatives  and  radical  republicans,  of  Spaniards, 
Frenchmen,  Englishmen  and  Americans,  of  Foreign  Min- 
isters and  Consuls,  of  military  and  naval  commanders,  of 
mercantile  and  scientific  men,  engineers,  and  men  in  all  the 
walks  of  professional  and  private  life — all  concur  in  rep- 
resenting the  condition  of  the  “ Church  ” as  deplorable 
beyond  description. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  go  largely  into  details  in  regard 
to  the  condition,  character,  and  influence  of  the  metropoli- 
tan and  interior  churches  ; of  the  clergy,  regular  and 
secular,  their  social  life,  standard  of  morality,  general 
intelligence,  education,  principles,  and  influence.  They 
are  well  known. 

The  fruits  of  The  question  forces  itself  upon  the  statesmen 
ts  mis°lon"  and  philanthropists  of  Europe  and  America,  have 

the  churches,  the  religious  institutions  and  the  ecclesiastics 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


61 


of  Mexico  been  fulfilling  tlie  mission  of  the  Gospel  of  God  ? 
They  have  held  by  estimate  one  fourth  of  the  real  estate 
of  the  country.  They  have  controlled  all  the  offices  of 
honor  and  power  in  the  land  ; administered,  directly  and 
indirectly,  all  the  functions  of  civil  government ; directed 
the  whole  policy  of  the  nation,  civil,  political,  military 
and  ecclesiastical ; regulated  the  entire  system  of  education 
and  religious  instruction,  the  observance  of  all'  sacred 
rites  and  duties,  the  Sacraments,  marriage,  the  Sabbath, 
and  all  that  pertains  to  human  life  from  the  cradle  to  the 
grave.  Has  this  “Church”  been  doing  its  duty?  For 
three  centuries  it  has  had  the  position,  the  power,  and  the 
wealth  for  its  work. 

It  had  no  opposition,  no  formidable  system  of  error 
or  idolatry  to  encounter ; never,  in  the  whole  history  of 
Christian  missions,  have  the  heralds  of  the  “ Cross  ” had 
such  a field  and  such  an  opportunity.  No  overshadowing 
superstition,  like  that  of  “ Great  Diana  of  the  Ephesians," 
no  Greek  or  Roman  mythology,  or  philosophy  that  held 
whole  nations  spell-bound,  as  in  chains  of  moral  death ; 
but  all  Mexico  was  open,  and  a docile,  gentle  race  were 
ready  to  receive  the  truths  and  embrace  the  blessings  of 
the  pure  religion  of  Jesus.  Never  has  there  been  such  a 
failure.  Of  all  the  melancholy  contrasts  which  can  be 
suggested  in  the  history  of  the  “ Church,”  there  is  nothing 
to  compare  with  that  of  the  first  three  centuries  after  the 
apostleship  of  Peter  and  Paul,  and  the  first  three  centuries 
of  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  in  Mexico. 

True  policy  of  Can  the  “Church”  party  in  Mexico,  under 

“TheOhurch”  . 1 *'  " 

in  Mexico.  their  responsibility  to  God,  do  a more  righteous 
or  better  thing  for  themselves  and  their  flocks,  and  their 
country,  than  to  introduce  and  adopt  the  principles  and 
the  system  of  religious  policy  in  the  United  States  ? and 


62 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


do  all  they  can  to  extend  through  Central  and  South 
America  those  great  ideas  of  civil  and  religious  freedom 
which  have  made  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  the  United 
States,  of  every  name  and  denomination,  with  all  their 
faults,  still  not  second  in  purity,  in  order,  in  peace,  pros- 
perity, piety,  and  usefulness,  to  any  religious  organizations 
that  ever  existed  in  the  world '? 

The  same  principles  in  Mexico  will  in  time  make  her 
clergy  and  her  population  intelligent  and  moral,  and  her 
civil  and  religious  institutions  prosperous  and  Christian, 
like  our  own. 

spirit  of  the  This  volume,  therefore,  breathes  no  spirit  of 
hostility  or  opposition  to  the  Catholic  Church. 
It  opposes  only  errors,  abuses,  oppression,  and  wrong  in 
any  body  politic,  anywhere.  It  pleads  for  human  rights — 
the  rights  of  eight  millions  of  native  Mexicans,  abused, 
oppressed,  down-trodden,  crushed  under  the  inexorable 
iron  heel  of  three  centuries. 

To  this  end,  facts  and  statements  are  collected  and 
condensed,  which  it  is  hoped  will  commend  themselves  as 
worthy  of  consideration  by  statesmen  and  philanthropists  ; 
promote  international  sympathy  and  kindness,  and  secure 
tor  an  injured  race  and  people  the  protection  which  the 
strong  owe  to  the  weak  ; and  save  from  further  calumny 
and  outrage  a gentle  and  docile  race,  whose  faults  and 
vices,  whatever  they  may  be,  should  be  visited  more  upon 
their  oppressors  than  upon  themselves. 

The  Roman  Catholic  branch  of  “ The  Church  ” is  the 
most  extensive  and  powerful  organization  that  ever  ex- 
isted in  this  world.  It  numbers  some  two  hundred  mil- 
lions, of  almost  every  language  and  land.  There  is  only  one 
thing  on  this  earth  that  is  stronger — the  Majesty  of  Eter- 
nal  truth  and  justice  ! And  Juaeez  and  his  compatriots 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


63 


planted  upon  this,  though  reviled,  persecuted,  and  hunted 
by  the  civilized,  as  if  they  were  the  savages , have  defied 
the  combined  power  of  four  of  the  mightiest  monarchies 
of  earth,  and  with  the  simple  stones  of  “truth”  and 
“justice”  have  smitten  this  mighty,  proud  Goliath  system 
of  the  ages. 


CHAPTER  II. 

ROME  AND  MEXICO  J OR  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES  AND  ASSUMP- 
TIONS OF  “THE  CHURCH  PARTY.” 

It  is  impossible  to  understand  the  religious  element 
in  the  “ Mexican  Question,”  without  reverting  to  certain 
great  historic  events,  which  show  how  the  two  vast  in- 
terests, the  political  and  the  ecclesiastical,  have  entered 
into  the  contest,  from  the  beginning.  These  two  elements 
of  power  and  despotism  have  acted  and  re-acted  upon 
each  other,  and  influenced  every  thing  else,  in  all  the 
phases  and  stages  of  the  struggle. 

“ It  is,”  as  Macauley  says  in  another  case,  “ one  act 
in  the  great  eventful  drama,  extending  through  ages,  which 
must  be  very  imperfectly  understood,  unless  the  plot  of 
the  preceding  acts  be  well  known.” 

HISTORICAL  SKETCH. 

Principles  of  The  institutions,  political,  civil,  and  religious, 
zation.  and  the  general  type  of  civilization  in  modern 
Europe  and  America,  and  especially  in  France,  Great 
Britain,  and  the  United  States,  are  directly  traceable  to 
the  Homan  Empire.  The  destruction  of  that  power  and 
polity  resulted  in  the  distribution  far  and  wide,  among 
the  kingdoms  and  governments  that  succeeded,  of  certain 


64 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  Roman 
Empire. 

a.  d.  476.  came  to  an  end. 


principles  and  forms  of  administration,  which  have  shaped 
and  moulded  the  constitutions  and  codes  of  Christendom 
from  that  day  to  this. 

In  a.  d.  476,  the  Western  Roman  Empire 
The  hordes  of  barbarians, — 
Goths  and  Vandals,  that  for  half  a century  had  poured 
down  from  the  north,  and  successively,  under  Alaric, 
Attila,  Genseric,  and  Odoacer,  had  overrun  and  ravaged 
Italy — at  length  subdued  the  last  vestige  of  resistance, 
deposed  and  banished  the  last  of  the  Emperors,  and  sub- 
verted and  swept  away  the  whole  political  'power  and 
prowess  of  the  “mistress  of  the  world,”  and  of  the 
mighty  ancient  Empire  of  a thousand  years.  The  throne, 
the  crown,  the  sceptre,  passed  to  pagan  hands.  The 
mitre  alone  remained,  to  sway  the  consciences  and  super- 
stitious fears  of  Roman,  Vandal,  and  Goth. 

The  Ancient  The  Bishop  of  Rome,  the  clergy,  and  all  or- 
church  i arty.  qers  anq  interests  of  the  “ Church  Party”  made 

every  possible  effort  to  save  their  “ ecclesiastical  system,” 
on  which  their  position,  wealth,  and  power  depended. 
They  compromised  with  their  barbarian,  heathen  conquer- 
ors— the  Pagans  consenting  to  take  the  Christian  name, 
and  Bishops  and  Priests  agreeing  to  adopt,  in  many  re- 
spects, the  pagan  ritual,  thus  confounding  the  sublime 
and  glorious  truths  of  Christianity  with  the  errors  and 
superstitions  of  pagan  mythology,  and  degrading  and 
desecrating  the  pure,  simple,  spiritual  worship  of  the 
church  of  Christ  with  the  pompous  rites  and  ceremonies 
of  heathen  idolatry. 

Ascendency  of  Availing  themselves  of  the  extraordinary  as. 
tkeinebtiiood.  cenc[ency  which  priestly  power  so  easily  gains 

over  the  ignorant  and  superstitious,  the  bishops  and  clergy 
not  only  secured  the  perpetuation  of  their  ecclesiastical 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


65 


Invasion  of  the 
Barbarians. 


functions  and  power , but  also  great  political  immunities 
and  concessions, — the  germs  of  conflicts,  revolutions,  and 
wars,  in  all  subsequent  ages,  down  to  the  last  struggle  in 
Mexico. 

Robertson  says,  “ When  the  barbarians  who 
overran  the  Roman  Empire  first  embraced  the 
Christian  faith,  they  found  the  clergy  in  possession  of 
considerable  power,  and  they  naturally  transferred  to 
those  new  guides  the  profound  submission  and  reverence 
which  they  were  accustomed  to  yield  to  the  priests  of  that 
religion  which  they  had  just  forsaken.  They  deemed  their 
persons  to  be  equally  sacred  with  their  function , and 
would  have  considered  it  as  impious  to  subject  them  to  the 
profane  jurisdiction  of  the  laity.  The  clergy  were  not 
blind  to  these  advantages.  They  established  courts , in 
which  every  question  relating  to  their  own  character , their 
f unction,  their  property,  was  tried  and pleaded ; and  ob- 
tained almost  total  exemption  from  the  authority  of  civil 
judges .”  * 

Origin  of  Mex-  Here  is  the  germ  of  the  Ecclesiastical  “ fueros,” 

a.d.ooo.  which  the  clergy  have  claimed  in  all  lands  and 
ages,  and  have  fought  to  perpetuate  in  France,  in  Spain, 
and  in  Mexico. 

Hallam  concurs  in  substantially  the  same 
views,  as  follows  : “ The  devotion  of  the  conquer- 
ing nations,  as  it  was  still  less  enlightened  than  that  of  the 
subjects  of  the  Empire,  so  was  it  still  more  munificent. 
They  left  indeed  the  worship  of  Hesus  and  Taranis  in 
their  forests ; but  they  retained  the  elementary  principles 
of  that,  and  of  all  barbarous  idolatry,  a superstitious  rev- 
erence for  the  priesthood, — a credulity  that  seemed  to  invite 
imposture,  and  a confidence  in  the  efficacy  of  gifts  to  ex- 

* Robertson’s  Charles  V.  p.  34. 


Hallam’ s Mid- 
dle Ages. 


66 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


piate  offences.  Of  this  temper,  it  is  undeniable  that  the 
ministers  of  religion,  influenced  probably,  not  so  much  by 
personal  covetousness,  as  by  zeal  for  the  interests  of  their 
order,  took  advantage. 

statement  of  “ Many  of  the  peculiar  and  prominent  charac- 
Mr.  Haiiam.  ^eristics  in  the  faith  and  discipline  of  those  ages, 
appear  to  have  been  either  introduced,  or  sedulously  pro- 
moted, for  the  purpose  of  sordid  fraud.  To  those  purposes 
conspired  the  veneration  for  relics , the  worship  of  images , 
the  idolatry  of  saints  and  martyrs , the  religious  inviola- 
bility of  sanctuaries , the  consecration  of  cemeteries , but 
above  all , the  doctrine  of  purgatory,  and  masses  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  dead.  A creed  thus  contrived,  operating  upon 
the  minds  of  barbarians,  lavish  though  rapacious,  and  de- 
vout though  dissolute,  naturally  caused  a torrent  of  opu- 
lence to  pour  in  upon  the  Church.”  * 

Progress  of  the  From  these  beginnings,  the  progress  and  es- 

claimsof“the  . . , 

church  Party.”  tabhshment  of  the  power  and  pretensions  of  the 
Bishops  and  Clergy  were  rapid  and  startling,  and 
would  shock  the  whole  Christian  world  at  the  present 
day,  if  the  facts  were  not  so  familiar,  and  the  consequences 
so  interwoven  in  the  whole  fabric  of  modern  institutions 
of  government  in  Church  and  State. 

Origin  of  the  On  the  ruins  of  the  demolished  Roman  Em- 

Ecclesiastical  # . . , ..  . 

system.  pire  another  power  arose,  uniting  essentially  the 
'political  and  the  ecclesiastical  elements,  which  were  soon 
consolidated  in  a gigantic  system  of  error  and  superstition, 
combining  the  monstrous  absurdities  of  old,  exploded  my- 
thologies and  idolatrous  worship,  with  the  strangest  and 
most  incongruous  mingling  of  the  fundamental  and  sublime 
truths  of  revelation. 


* Hallam’s  Middle  Ages,  Chap.  7,  p.  261. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


67 


The  stupen-  It  was  a grand  and  comprehensive  scheme, 
dous  scheme,  -y^g^  was  ^e  one  pead,  one  government,  one 

Empire,  temporal  and  spiritual.  The  Bishop  of  “ old 
B-ome,”  the  “ Mother  of  dead  Empires,”  was  to  be  “ head 
Bishop,”  then  “ Universal  Bishop,”  then  “Vicar  of  Christ,” 
“ Judge  in  the  place  of  God,”  “ subject  to  no  earthly  tribu- 
nal,” “ Vice-gerent  of  the  Most  High,” — the  temporal  and 
spiritual  monarch  of  all  the  Earth  ! “ His  Holiness,  the 

Pope.”  * 

The  office  of  In  old  Pagan  Rome,  the  office  of  Supreme 
origin.  Pontiff,  from  the  time  of  Numa,  had  always  been 
as  much  a political  as  a religious  prerogative.  Monumen- 
tal remains  in  old  Rome,  to  this  day,  bear  inscriptions  to 
Augustus  and  his  successors  as  “ Imperator  et  Pontifex 
Maximus.”  They  exercised  in  person  the  office  of  Emperor 
and  of  High  Priest  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

He  was  to  be  the  Sovereign  of'  the  habitable  globe.  The 

O o 


Territorial  jur-  owner  in  fee  simple  of  all  the  estates  of 
Shem,  Ham  and  Japhet, — absolute  monarch  of 
Continent,  Island,  and  Ocean.  He  was  to  be  the  spiritual 
head  of  the  human  race  of  every  continent  and  island,  of 
every  “kindred,  tongue,  and  nation,  and  people,”  through  all 
generations,  down  the  track  of  ages  to  the  last  man. 

O ’ O 


The  spiritual 
monarchy. 


Den’s  theology,  a standard  authority  in  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  Church,  says  the  supreme  Pontiff  is 
“ Christ’s  vicar  upon  Earth.”  Christ  instituted  the  church, 
not  on  the  plan  of  an  aristocratic  or  democratic  govern- 
ment, but  on  the  plan  of  a monarchical  government , yet 
tempered  by  that  which  is  best  in  an  aristocracy . When 
He  withdrew  his  visible  presence  by  his  ascension  into 
Heaven,  he  constituted  his  “Vicar  ” the  visible  head  of  the 
Church. 


* Gieseler.  Yol.  1,  p.  339. 


68 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


universal  do-  “ The  Roman  Pontiff  is  called  “ Supreme  Pon- 
tiff, ” not  only  because’  he  holds  the  highest 
honor  and  dignity  in  the  church,  but  principally  because 
he  has  -supreme  and  universal  authority , power,  and  juris- 
diction over  all  Bishops  and  the  whole  church.  He  receives 
his  potver  and  jurisdiction  immediately  f rom  Christ , as 
His  Vicar,  just  as  Peter  received  it.  Nor  is  it  any  objec- 
tion that  the  Pope  is  elected  by  cardinals ; for  their  elec- 
tion is  only  an  essential  requisite,  which  being  supplied, 
he  receives  power  and  jurisdiction  immediately  from  Christ. 
The  Bishop’s  The  French  contended  that  the  Bishops , as 

title  and  juris-  it.  • , 

diction.  well  as  the  Pope,  receive  their  power  ot  jurisdic- 
tion immediately  from  Christ ; but  it  seems  that  it  ought 
rather  to  be  said,  that  they  receive  it  immediately  from  the 
Roman  Pontiff,  because  the  government  of  the  church  is 
monarchical." 

The  Pope’s  u The  Pope  has  plenitude  of  poicer  in  the 

absolute  su-  ; . 

premacy.  Church ; it  extends  to  all  who  are  m the 
church,  and  to  all  things  that  pertain  to  the  government 
of  the  church  ; because  the  Roman  Pontiff  is  the  true 
Vicar  of  Christ,  the  head  of  the  whole  church,  the  pastor 
and  teacher ; so  that  all  the  faithful,  even  Bishops  and 
Patriarchs,  are  obliged  to  obey  the  Roman  Pontiff ; and 
he  must  he  obeyed  in  cdl  things  ivhich  concern  the  Christian 
religion , in  faith , customs , rites , and  ecclesiastical  disci- 
pline. Hence  the  device  falls  to  the  ground,  that  the 
Pope  is  not  to  be  obeyed,  except  in  those  things  which 
he  enjoins  conformably  to  sacred  Scripture." 

Such  was  the  origin  and  such  the  principles 
that  characterized  this  stupendous  scheme  of  a 
universal  empire,  that  should  rival  “ the  throne  and  mon- 
archy of  Heaven."  With  matchless  skill  and  more  than 

* Den’s  Theology,  81-94. 


The  universal 
empire. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


69 


human  art,  the  elements  were  compounded  to  meet  the 
prejudices  and  tastes  of  the  Jew,  the  Greek,  the  Roman, 
and  the  Pagan.  Christianity,  instead  of  fulfilling  its  mis- 
sion of  enlightening,  converting,  and  sanctifying  the  na- 
tives, was  itself  converted.  Paganism  was  baptized , Chris- 
tianity Paganized. 

The  great  historic  facts  and  truths  of  Christianity,  and 
its  most  sublime  and  solemn  doctrines,  were  blended  with 
the  effete  fables  of  old  mythologies.  The  pure,  intelli- 
gent, spiritual  worship  of  primitive  Christianity  was 
merged  in  the  superstitious  rites  and  imposing  sensual 
ceremonies  of  Pagan  rituals.  It  was  no  longer  the  “ wor- 
ship of  God,  in  spirit  and  in  truth,1'  but  the  perfunctory 
and  spectacular  displays  of  heathen  temples,  smoking 
altars,  burning  lights,  pictures,  images,  tinkling  bells, 
sprinkling  priests,  and  singing  boys.  i 

This  mistaken  policy  of  seeking  to  conciliate  and  con- 
vert the  heathen  by  introducing  their  idolatrous  rites  and 
ceremonies  into  Christian  worship,  was  sanctioned  and  en- 
forced by  Boniface  III.,  in  his  decrees  adopting  all  these 
pagan  observances,  and  enjoining  uniformity  of  worship 
throughout  the  Roman  Church.  The  same  policy  has 
been  pursued  from  age  to  age,  in  France,  in  England,  in 
China,  and  in  Mexico. 

opinion  of  Mosheim,*  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  says 
“ The  addition  of  external  rites  was  also  designed 
to  remove  the  opprobrious  calumnies  which  the  Jewish 
and  Pagan  priests  cast  upon  Christians  on  account  of  the 
simplicity  of  their  worship,  esteeming  them  little  better 
than  atheists,  because  they  had  no  temples , altars , victims , 
priests , nor  anything  of  that  external  pomp  in  which  the 
vular  are  so  prone  to  place  the  essence  of  religion.  The 

* Moskeim’s  Ecclesiastical  History,  vol.  1.  p.  197. 


70 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


rulers  of  the  Church  therefore  adopted  certain  external 
ceremonies,  that  they  might  captivate  the  senses  of  the 
vulgar,  and  be  able  to  refute  the  reproaches  of  their  ad- 
versaries ; thus  obscuring  the  native  lustre  of  the  gospel 
in  order  to  extend  its  influence,  and  making-  it  lose,  in 
point  of  real  excellence,  what  it  gained  in  point  of  popular 
esteem.1’ 

Pagan  origin  The  rites  and  institutions  by  which  the  Greeks, 

of  Papal  cer-  J 7 

emonies.  Romans,  and  other  nations  had  formerly  testified 
their  religious  veneration  for  fictitious  deities,  were  now 
adopted,  Avitli  some  slight  alterations,  by  Christian  Bishops, 
and  employed  in  the  service  of  the  true  God.  These  her- 
alds of  the  gospel  imagined  that  the  nations  Avould  receive 
Christianity  with  more  facility,  when  they  saw  the  rites 
and  ceremonies  to  which  they  tvere  accustomed  adopted 
in  the  church,  and  the  same  Avorship  paid  to  Christ  and 
his  martyrs  as  they  had  formerly  offered  to  their  idol 
deities.  Hence,  in  these  times,  the  religion  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans  differed  very  little  in  its  external  appear- 
ance from  that  of  the  Christians.  They  both  had  a most 
pompous  and  splendid  ritual.  Gorgeous  robes,  mitres, 
tiaras,  Avax  tapers,  crosiers,  processions,  lustrations,  im- 
ages, gold  and  silver  vases,  and  many  such  circumstances 
of  pageantry,  Avere  equally  to  be  seen  in  the  heathen  tem- 
ples and  the  Christian  churches.”  * 

Waddington’s  Wadding;ton,  in  his  Church  History, T attests 

Church  His-  ® ' . 

tory.  the  same  : “ ihe  copious  transfusion  of  heathen 

ceremonies  into  Christian  worship,  which  had  taken  place 
before  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  had  to  a certain  ex- 
tent paganized  (if  Ave  may  so  express  it)  the  outivard 
form  and  aspect  of  religion  ; and  these  ceremonies  became 

* Mosheim’s  Ecclesiastical  History,  Cent.  iv.  Part  2,  Chap.  4. 
f Waddington’s  History  of  the  Church,  p.  118. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


71 


more  general  and  more  numerous,  and  more  splendid,  in 
the  age  which  followed.  To  console  the  convert  for  the 

o 

loss  of  his  favorite  festival,  others  of  a different  name,  but 
of  similar  description,  were  introduced.” 

“ It  is  true,  the  Church  had  been  deeply  corrupted 
both  by  that  superstition  and  that  philosophy  against 
which  she  had  long  contended.  She  had  given  a too 
easy  admission  to  doctrines  borrowed  from  the  ancient 
schools,  and  to  rites  borrowed  from  the  ancient  temples. 
Roman  policy  and  Gothic  ignorance,  Grecian  ingenuity 
and  Syrian  asceticism  had  contributed  to  deprave  her.” 

The  scheme  of  Such,  then,  was  the  scheme,  more  fully  dis- 
Govemment.  cjoge(j  anc]  pa^en^  £0  the  world  in  the  progress  of 

subsequent  developments,  namely : 

I.  One  universal  Government.  The  Roman  Empire 
had  its  limits.  The  new  one  was  to  have  none,  save  only 
those  of  the  earth  and  of  the  race : so  comprehensive  as 
to  embrace  the  Roman,  the  Greek,  the  Barbarian,  and  the 
Jew  ; Rome,  the  centre  and  the  head,  embracing  the  ut- 
most limits  of  the  empire  ; Greece,  Asia  Minor,  and  all 
the  known  and  unknown  regions  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa : so  accommodating,  in  becoming  “ all  things  to 
all  men,”  as  to  meet  the  prejudices  and  tastes,  and  satisfy 
the  customs  and  traditions  of  all  races,  nationalities  and 
tribes  ; aiming  to  blend  in  one  grand  body  politic  the 
people  of  the  whole  habitable  globe,  of  whatever  language, 
government,  laws,  or  religion.  So  that  the  worshippers  of 
Jehovah,  of  Jesus,  of  Jupiter,  Venus,  or  Apollo  might 
bow  at  the  same  altar  and  worship  at  the  same  shrine. 

The  Pope  the  H-  Of  this  Government  there  was  to  be  one 

head ; absolute,  universal,  infallible,  and  irre- 
sponsible. Every  functionary,  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
bound  by  solemn  oath  to  believe  and  to  obey  in  all  things 


72 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Historical  de- 
velopment. 


the  word  and  will  of  his  Sovereign — the  arbiter  of  the 
destiny,  temporal  and  eternal,  of  every  subject. 

Temporal  and  III.  The  two  pillars  of  power  by  which  this 
stupendous  system  was  to  be  propagated  and 
sustained,  were  the  sword  and  superstition — the  double 
arms  of  political  and  ecclesiastical  authority. 

A brief  sketch  of  a few  events  in  the  progress 
of  history  will  show  the  advances  of  the  system, 
its  present  attitude  of  propagandism  in  face  of  modern  civ- 
ilization, and  its  connection  with  the  struggle  in  Mexico. 

The  supreme  and  universal  Bishop,  the  Pope,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber,  claims  to-day  absolute  and  divine 
right,  not  only  over  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  but 
over  the  whole  continent,  from  Labrador  to  Patagonia. 
His  title  runs  back  directly  through  KingPhocas,  a.  d.  696, 
to  the  great  Apostle  and  first  Bishop  to  the  Jews,  Peter. 

In  a.  d.  1073,  a monk  of  extraordinary  char- 
acter, Hildebrand,  was  elected  Pope,  under  the 
title  of  Gregory  VII.  The  life;  the  acts  and  the  decrees 
of  this  Pontiff  indicate  the  development  of  this  stupendous 
scheme  during  the  first  five  hundred  years.  He  aimed  to 
exalt  the  dominion  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  pure  and 
simple,  above  all  organic  earthly  powers,  and  above  all 
individual  human  rights.  He  sought  to  make  Emperor, 
King,  and  Prince  a vassal  of  the  Pope.  He  assumed  to 
release  all  subjects  from  their  allegiance  to  their  King. 

On  one  occasion  he  anathematized  and  de- 
posed King  Henry  IV.,  calling  on  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul  to  confirm  and  ratify  his  act  of  deposition  in 
these  bold  words : 

“Make  all  men  sensible  that,  as  you  can  bind  and 
loose  every  thing  in  Heaven,  you  can  also  upon  earth  take 
from  or  give  to,  every  one  according  to  his  deserts,  Em- 


Hildebrand. 
A D.  1073. 


The  Pope’s 
Anathema. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


73 


pires,  Kingdoms,  Principalities.  Let  the  Kings  and 
Princes  of  the  age  then  instantly  feel  your  power,  that  they 
may  not  dare  to  despise  the  orders  of  your  church.  Let 
your  justice  be  so  speedily  executed  upon  Henry,  that 
nobody  may  doubt  that  he  falls  by  yoftr  means,  and  not 
by  chance.” 

He  claimed  supreme  and  absolute  dominion  and 
authority  over  the  whole  domain  of  Europe,  Germany, 
Italy,  France,  Spain,  Great  Britain. 

Ambition  of  “ Gregory,”  says  his  biographer  Bower,  “ was 
Gregory  \ ii.  an  ampp;ion  the  world  never  heard  of 

before,  of  establishing  an  uncontrolled  tyranny  over 
mankind,  of  making  himself  the  sole  Lord,  spiritual  and 
temporal,  over  the  whole  earth — the  sole  disposer  of  Em- 
pires, States,  and  Kingdoms.”  * 

Decrees  of  Among  the  decrees  of  Pope  Gregory  VII. 

Gregory  VII.  , i 

are  these : 

The  Roman  Pontiff  alone  should  of  right  be  styled 
‘ Universal  Bishop.1 

“ The  Pope  alone  can  wear  Imperial  ornaments. 

“ All  princes  are  to  kiss  his  foot,  and  pay  that  mark 
of  distinction  to  him  alone. 

“ It  is  lawful  for  him  to  depose  Emperors. 

“ His  judgment  no  man  may  reverse,  but  he  can  re- 
verse all  other  judgments. 

“ He  is  to  be  judged  by  no  man. 

“The  Roman  Church  has  never  erred,  nor  will  she 
ever  err,  according  to  the  Scriptures. 

“ The  Pope  can  absolve  subjects  from  the  oath  of  al- 
legiance which  they  have  taken  to  a bad  Prince. 

“ He  can  depose  and  restore  Bishops  without  assem- 
bling a Synod.” 

* Bower’s  Life  of  Gregory  VII. 


X 


74  MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Baroneus  (cardinal)  says  : “ Istas  hactenus  in  eccleske 
catholic®  usu  receptas  fuisse.” 

In  one  of  his  Epistles,  Gregory  says,  “The  Episcopal 
Dignity  is  of  Divine  Institution  ; the  Royal,  is  the  inven- 
tion of  men,  and  Owes  its  origin  to  pride  and  ambition. 
Bishops  therefore  are  above  Kings,  as  well  as  above  all 
other  men,  and  may  judge  them,  as  well  as  other  men.” 


CHAPTER  III. 

DEVELOPMENT  AND  ILLUSTRATION  OF  THESE  PRINCIPLES  IN  THE 
HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  OF  FRANCE. 


Innocent  III. 
A.  D.  1198. 


Results  in  Great  Tiie  history  of  Great  Britain  furnishes  one  of 
the  most  extraordinary  and  instructive  illustra- 
tions of  the  extent  and  power  of  these  pretensions.  If  it 
were  not  ineontestible  history,  it  would  be  deemed  incred- 
ible throughout  Christendom  to-day. 

In  a.  d.  1198,  Innocent  III.  was  elected  Pope. 
A sharp  controversy  arose,  during  the  reign  of 
Richard  Coeur  de  Lion,  in  respect  to  the  erection  of  an 
Episcopal  Palace  at  Lambeth.  The  King  and  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  were  engaged  in  erecting  the  struc- 
ture. The  Pope  disapproved  of  the  proceeding,  and  sent  his 
bulls  to  the  king  and  to  the  archbishop,  threatening  to  sus- 
pend the  one  and  dethrone  the  other,  if  they  did  not  imme- 
diately desist  and  demolish  the  works  at  Lambeth.  The 
Pope  declared,  that  if  the  king  did  not  instantly  obey,  “ he 
would  not  endure  the  least  contempt  of  himself,  or  of  God , 
whose  place  he  held  upon  earth  ; but  would  punish,  with- 
out delay,  and  without  respect  of  persons,  every  one  who 
presumed  to  disobey  his  commands,  in  order  to  convince 
the  whole  world,  that  he  was  determined  to  act  in  a 
Royal  Manner.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


75 


The  bulls  from  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  were  too  much 
for  the  “ Lion-hearted  ” and  the  Archbishop  on  the  Thames. 
In  less  than  three  months  the  foundations  of  Lambeth 
were  razed  to  the  ground! 

pore  innoce  t After  the  death  of  King  Richard,  and  the  ac- 
and  Kmg  John.  cesg.on  j^jng  J0bn,  another  violent  dispute 

arose  between  Pope  Innocent  and  the  King  of  England, 
respecting  the  election  of  Stephen  Langton,  as  successor  to 
the  Archbishopric  of  Canterbury.  The  Pope  wished  the 
Primate  of  all  England  to  be  appointed  by  his  sole  au- 
thority , and  to  be  subject  to  him.  King  John  claimed  the 
honor,  dignity,  and  the  rights  of  his  crown  and  kingdom. 
The  Pope  insisted.  King  John  protested. 

The  Pope’s  In-  In  a.  d.  1208,  the  Pope  laid  all  the  dominions 

terdict.  A.  D.  , . ? . ,, 

1208.  of  Kmg  J ohn  under  an  “ interdict. 

Says  Mr.  Hume,  this  sentence  “was  calculated  to 
strike  the  senses  in  the  highest  degree,  and  to  operate 
with  irresistible  force  on  the  superstitious  minds  of  the 
people.  The  nation  was  all  of  a sudden  deprived  of  all 
exterior  exercise  of  its  religion ; the  altars  were  despoiled 
of  their  ornaments  ; the  crosses,  the  relics,  the  statues  of 
the  saints,  were  laid  oji  the  ground ; and,  as  if  the  air  it- 
self were  profaned,  and  might  pollute  them  by  its  contact, 
the  priests  carefully  covered  them  up,  even  from  their  own 
approach  and  veneration.  The  use  of  bells  entirely  ceased 
in  all  the  churches ; the  bells  themselves  were  removed 
from  the  steeples,  and  laid  upon  the  ground  with  the  other 
sacred  utensils.  Mass  was  celebrated  with  closed  doors, 
and  none  but  priests  were  admitted  to  that  holy  institu- 
tion. The  laity  partook  of  no  religious  rite,  except  the 
communion  to  the  dying : the  dead  were  not  interred  in 
consecrated  ground  ; they  were  thrown  into  ditches,  or 
buried  in  common  fields,  and  their  obsequies  were  not  at- 


76 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


tended  with  prayers  or  any  hallowed  ceremony.  Marriage 
was  celebrated  in  the  churchyard,  and  that  every  action 
in  life  might  bear  the  marks  of  this  dreadful  situation, 
the  people  were  prohibited  the  use  of  meat,  as  in  Lent  or 
times  of  the  highest  penance,  were  debarred  from  all 
pleasures  and  entertainments,  and  were  forbidden  even  to 
salute  each  other,  or  so  much  as  to  shave  their  beards  or 
give  any  decent  attention  to  their  apparel.  Every  cir- 
cumstance carried  symptoms  of  the  deepest  distress,  and 
of  the  most  immediate  apprehension  of  divine  vengeance 
and  indignation.”  * 


This  seems  to  have  a been  a favorite  method  of  the 
Pope  and  “ The  Church  Party,”  in  all  ages,  to  reduce  the 
refractory  to  obedience.  To  crush  a recusant  sovereign, 
they  will  deprive  millions  upon  millions  of  innocent  people 
of  all  the  rites  and  privileges  and  consolations  of  religion. 
The  bridal,  the  baptism,  and  the  grave  for  a whole  nation 
are  ostracised  from  all  Christian  offices  or  spiritual  bene- 
diction, because  a King  disagrees  with  the  Pope ! 

How  often  has  this  been  the  Papal  artifice  in  Europe ! 
The  reader  will  observe  the  “The  Church  Party”  repeated 
it  in  Mexico. 

Excornmunica-  After  two  years,  King  John  was  “ excommuni- 

tion  of  f j 

Jolm-  cated”  and  by  command  of  the  Pope,  the  bishops 
and  clergy  of  all  his  dominion  were  required  to  proclaim 
in  all  the  churches  the  awful  act. 

Shortly  after  this  the  Pope  sent  his  legates 
to  England,  who  confronted  the  King  in  Parlia- 
ment,  and  boldly  bade  him  obey  the  will  of  the  Pope 
without  reserve,  in  temporal  as  well  as  in  spiritual  things  ; 
and  on  the  King’s  refusal,  fulminated  the  sentence  of  ex- 
communication , and  with  loud  and  insulting  menace  ah- 


Tlie  Pope’s 
Legates. 


* Hume’s  England,  p.  110. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


77 


Intervention 
in  England. 


solved  all  his  subjects  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance , pro- 
nounced the  Sovereign  degraded  from  his  royal  dignity , 
and  declared  that  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  posterity 
should  ever  reign  in  England. 

This  was  intervention  in  England  ! 

The  Pope  ratified  all  that  his  legates  had  done, 
and  with  great  and  imposing  solemnity  in  Rome,  repeated 
himself  the  priestly  sentence  of  excommunication  and  de- 
position of  King  John , and  of  excommunication  of  all  who 
should  obey  him , or  have  any  connection  with  him. 

This  was  an  age  of  superstition.  King  and  Prince, 
priest  and  people,  considered  the  utterances  of  the  Pope 
as  of  most  awful  and  appalling  import.  And  King  John 
began  to  feel  the  universal  tremor  creeping  over  his  absolved 
subjects,  and  trembled  for  his  crown  and  for  his  soul. 

League  of  the  The  Pope,  in  order  to  carry  home  to  England 
Pstabie  and  England’s  King,  and  to  all  other  kings  and 
S°En™i“e“t  kingdoms,  the  terrible  lesson  he  would  teach  the 
nations,  enlisted  King  Philip  of  France  to  aid  him  in 
the  execution  of  his  sweeping  decrees. 

He  offered  Philip  the  pardon  of  all  his  sins,  and 
the  Kingdom  of  England,  as  his  reward,  for  aiding  this 
Roman  Jupiter  to  discharge  his  ecclesiastical  thunderbolts 
upon  the  throne  and  dominions  of  one  who  would  not 
obey  him. 

King  John  at  Poor  King  John ! excommunicated,  depos- 

the  feet  of  the  . , ° . , , . „ , , . 

p°pe-  ed,  terrified  with  the  loss  ot  crown  and  king- 
dom, with  prospective  purgatory  and  the  loss  of  his  soul, 
because  of  adhering  to  his  own  choice  in  the  election  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  bends  his  royal  will  and 
neck,  and  sues  for  peace  with  the  Pope. 

Fleet  of  the  The  King  of  F ranee  assembled  his  legions  for 
Kingofiianee.  intervention  at  Rouen,  and  a fleet  of  1700 


78 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


transports  were  in  waiting  for  the  invasion  of  faithless 
Albion,  and  the  transfer  and  deliverenceof  the  whole  domin- 
ion, temporal  and  spiritual,  by  the  power  and  authority, 
supreme,  absolute,  and  immaculate,  of  the  successor  of 
St.  Peter,  to  his  faithful  son  and  ally,  Philip  of  France. 

Behold  the  result.  King  John,  on  his  knees,  delivered 
to  the  legate  his  humble  submission,  in  the  following 
terms:* 

$EnKfc.  “ I,  John,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  Eng- 
yeyedtotbe  ]anc]  * * * freely  grant  unto  God,  and  the 

Holy  Apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  and  to  the  Holy  Roman 
Church,  our  mother,  and  unto  the  Loud,  Pope  Innocent, 
and  to  his  Catholic  successors,  the  whole  kingdom  of  Eng- 
land, and  the  whole  kingdom  of  Ireland,  with  all  the 
l ights  and  all  the  appurtenances  of  the  same,  for  the  remis- 
sion of  our  sins  and  of  all  our  generation , both  for  the  liv- 
ing and  the  dead , that  from  this  time  forward  we  may  re- 
ceive and  hold  them  of  him , and  of  the  Roman  Church , as 
second  after  him.  We  have  sworn  and  do  swear  unto 
the  said  Lord,  Pope  Innocent,  and  to  his  Catholic  succes- 
sors, and  to  the  Roman  church,  a liege  homage,  in  the 
presence  of  Pandulphus.  If  we  can  be  in  the  presence  of 
the  Lord  Pope,  we  will  do  the  same ; and  to  this  ice 
oblige  our  heirs  and  successors  forever""  ! ! 

The  Pope  The  Pope  is  appeased,  accepts  the  submission, 
satisfied.  anc[  the  title-deed  of  the  kingdom.  The  disap- 
pointed Philip  is  forbidden  to  proceed  against  the  now 
penitent  son  and  faithful  vassal  of  the  church,  and  the 
kingdom  now  became,  by  due  conveyance,  “ sealed  with 
the  Kings  signet,”  an  acknowledged  part  of  the  real 
estate  of  the  church. 

* Matthew  Paris,  pp.  158,  159.  Annal.  Monast.  Burton,  apud 
rerum  Anglican,  script,  t.  1.  p.  165. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


79 


Another 

anathema. 


Poor  King  King  John,  humbled  and  obsequious,  is  for- 
given, released  from  “ interdict,”  and  is  sustained 
by  his  master,  whose  principles,  policy,  and  pretensions  he 
himself  sustains. 

The  sturdy  When  the  sturdy  barons  of  old  England  de- 
oid  England,  manded  and  obtained  the  immortal  charter  of 
English  liberty  from  the  reluctant  King,  this  “Jupiter 
Tonans  ” at  Rome  issued  another  volley  of  ecclesiastical 
thunderbolts  at  the  loyal  patriots  of  Albion,  struggling, 
like  those  of  Mexico  since,  for  human  rights. 

“We  have  excommunicated  and  anathema- 
tised, in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son, 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost, — in  the  name  of  the  Apostles, 
Peter  and  Paul,  and  in  our  own  name, — the  Barons  of 
England,  with  their  partisans  and  abettors,  for  persecut- 
ing John,  the  illustrious  King  of  England,  who  has  taken 
the  cross , and  is  a vassal  of  the  Roman  church , and  for 
striving  to  deprive  him  of  a kingdom  that  is  known  to 
belong  to  the  Roman  church.”  * 

But  the  Magna  Charta  of  1215  stands,  the 
imperishable  monument  of  Old  England’s  dec- 
laration of  human  rights  and  liberties.  Representation 
with  taxation,  the  habeas  corpus,  and  trial  by  jury,  vrere 
the  results  of  baronial  resistance  to  Papal  and  regal  as- 
sumptions. The  Pope  fulminated  “ excommunication  ” 
and  “ anathema,”  under  all  sacred  names.  He  exhausted 
all  the  resources  of  ecclesiastical  artillery.  But  there  vras 
no  temporal  sword  at  command.  The  King  of  France 
was  not  ready  to  undertake  a second  intervention.  The 
army  at  Rouen  and  the  fleet  of  transports  for  the  inva- 
sion and  conquest  of  England,  were  measures,  under  the 
circumstances  not  to  be  repeated. 


The  Magna 
Charta. 


* Matthew  Paris,  p.  192. 


80 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  reign  of 
Innocent  III. 


The  sequel  will  show  how  this  whole  history,  in  its  prin- 
ciples and  development,  has  had  its  counterpart  in  the  ex- 
perience of  Mexico. 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  this  same  Innocent  III., 
about  1212,  that  the  two  memorable  mendi- 
cant orders  were  instituted,  the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  ; 
the  first  of  which  brought  into  being  that  system  of  un- 
utterable infamy  and  atrocity,  the  Inquisition. 

The  two  orders  were  engaged  in  the  work  of  extirpat- 
ing the  enemies  of  the  papal  supremacy.  Their  influence 
and  power  in  spiritual,  temporal,  and  political  affairs,  for 
centuries,  was  almost  universal  and  absolute,  both  in 
Church  and  State.  They  occupied  the  most  important  posi- 
tions, ecclesiastical  and  civil,  literary  and  religious,  politi- 
cal and  diplomatic,  and  were  the  most  abject  champions 
of  the  pretensions  and  assumed  prerogatives  of  the  Roman 
Pontiffs.  Kings,  Princes,  Bishops,  and  the  whole  church, 
and  the  whole  outside  world,  whom  they  denounced  as 
heretics,  trembled  alike  before  them. 

Corruptions  of  A gigantic,  towering  system  of  corrupted, 
Christianity.  paganjze(j  Christianity,  a system  of  unutterable 

ignorance,  superstition,  and  imposture ; of  intolerable  des- 
potism, temporal  and  spiritual ; of  organized  and  syste- 
matic outrage  of  the  rights  of  man,  has  overshadowed  the 
nations.  Language  can  scarcely  exaggerate  the  picture, 
which  even  its  friends  have  given,  of  the  abyss  of  de- 
generacy, degradation,  and  wretchedness  of  this  system  in 
Mexico. 

causes  of  In  order  to  understand  its  operation  and  el- 
ite volutions.  pec^  ^ js  necessary  to  trace  from  its  origin  this 

violation  of  human  rights  in  the  corruptions  of 
Christianity,  the  progress  of  error  and  oppression,  and 
the  development  of  both  in  the  history  of  Mexico.  Here 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


81 


lies  the  very  core  of  her  revolutionary  troubles.  The  con- 
flicts, the  revolutions,  the  civil  wars  during  the  last  forty 
years  have  all  had  resistance  to  ecclesiastical  tyranny  at 
the  bottom. 

The  “ Church  party  ” have  again  and  again  rested  their 
pretensions  and  claims  upon  the  authority  of  Church 
“ traditions  ” as  their  “ Common  law,”  and  the  “ Decrees 
of  the  Council  of  Trent  ” as  their  “ Statutory  Code.” 

CHAPTER IY. 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  ; ITS  AUTHORITY,  DECREES,  AND  JURISDICTION 

IN  MEXICO. 


The  Council 
and  its  mem- 
bers. 


On  the  13th  of  December,  1545,  a little  more 
than  three  centuries  ago,  one  hundred  and 


eighty-seven  Italian  Bishops,  thirty-two  Spanish,  twenty- 
six  French,  and  two  Germans,  in  all  two  hundred  and 
forty-seven,  assembled  in  the  city  of  Trent.  The  council 
was  convoked  by  a bull  of  Pope  Paul  III.,  to  consider 
and  settle  various  matters  of  reform  in  faith  and  discipline 
which  were  then  agitating  the  Christian  world.  They 
were  not  a constituent,  representative,  legislative  assem- 
bly, “holding  the  proxies  of  the  Christian  Universe,” 
but  they  gravely  assumed  to  legislate  not  only  for  the  four 
countries  represented,  but  also  for  all  mankind,  in  Europe, 
Asia,  Africa,  and  America  territorially,  and  chronologi- 
cally for  the  whole  human  race  throughout  all  generations 
down  to  the  end  of  time ! 

claim  of  Their  claim  was  of  an  imprescriptible,  divine 
authority  and  right  to  make  “faith”  and  “law” 
by  a vote  of  the  majority.  One  hundred  and  twenty- four  ! 
for  a thousand  millions  of  mankind  in  every  language  and 
6 


82 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


in  every  land,  in  regions  known  or  unknown,  represented 
or  not ! 

Sixty  foreign  Bishops,  and  one  hundred  and  eighty 
Italians,  in  the  year  of  grace  1545,  promulgated  princi- 
ples, articles  of  Faith,  and  a code  of  Laws  as  if  they  were 
the  Edicts  of  the  Almighty,  of  universal,  everlasting  obli- 
gation, binding  the  countless  thousands  of  millions  of  all 
successive  generations.  In  their  estimation,  the  Decrees 
of  Trent  superseded  the  Decalogue,  and  abrogated  the  rest 
of  the  Bible ! 

Let  us  then  examine 

“ That  Sovereign  Law,  that  ‘ Trent’s  ’ collected  will, 

"Which  claims  o’er  thrones,  and  hemispheres,  and  globes, 

To  sit  the  universal  Empress.” 

Action  and  us  Without  going  into  the  history  of  this  Coun- 

cil, of  its  members  and  their  character,  of  the 
course  of  its  proceedings,  its  management,  and  virtual  con- 
trol from  Rome,  it  will  be  sufficient  for  the  present  purpose 
to  name  its  leading  principles  and  acts,  and  to  state  such 
of  its  results  as  have  filtered  through  the  structures  of 
government  in  Church  and  State  during  the  last  three 
hundred  years,  everywhere  the  fruitful  source  of  conflict 
and  trouble,  and  in  Mexico,  forming  the  very  crater  of 
convulsion,  revolution,  and  civil  war. 

January  6th,  1564,  the  Pope’s  Bull  confirmed  the  de- 
crees, and  the  legislation  for  the  world  was  done!  “ Faith 
and  works,”  “rights  and  interests,”  “laws  and  duties,” 
for  our  race  were  all  settled. 

Principles  of  The  following  analysis  of  the  principles  of  the 
of  Trent.  Council  and  its  decrees  is  in  accordance  "with  the 
highest  Roman  Catholic  authorities.* 

* Lectures  on  the  Roman  Church,  Prof.  Quinet,  of  the  College  of 
France.  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


83 


THE  POPE. 

I.  That  Jesus  Christ  constituted  Peter  as  the  supreme 
head  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  and  his  successor  and  vice- 
gerent on  earth,  and  that  all  the  other  Apostles  were  sub- 
ject to  him. 

II.  That  the  Pope  of  Pome  succeeds  to  all  the  titles 
and  rights  of  Peter,  who  by  Christ’s  .appointment  placed 
his  seat  at  Rome  and  there  remained  until  his  death,  and 
that  all  of  Peter’s  rights  have  passed  regularly  down 
through  the  line  of  his  successors  to  Paul  III.  and 
Pius  IX. 

III.  That  the  greatness  of  the  Pope’s  priesthood  began 
in  Melchizedek  ; was  solemnized  in  Aaron,  and  continued  in 
Aaron’s  sons  ; was  made  perfect  in  Christ,  and  represented 
in  Peter;  was  exalted  in  the  Pontifical  universal  jurisdic- 
tion, and  manifested  in  his  successors. 

IV.  That  the  Pope  is  immaculate,  infallible,  and  irre- 
sponsible to  any  earthly  tribunal  or  power.  “ ITe  is  judge 
of  all,  can  be  judged  by  none,  neither  Emperor,  Kings, 
Priests,  nor  people.”  He  is  free  from  all  laws,  so  that  he 
cannot  incur  any  sentence  of  irregularity,  suspension,  or 
excommunication,  or  penalty  for  any  crime. 

Prerogatives  V.  The  Pope  is,  by  Divine  Right,  invested 

and  powers  . . , . , 

of  the  Pope,  with  all  spiritual  powers , and  is  the  “sovereign 
head,  supreme  judge,  and  lawgiver  in  all  things  relating 
to  religion,  whether  as  to  faith,  manners,  or  discipline. 
The  Pope  is  all  in  all,  and  above  all,  so  that  God  and  the 
Pope,  the  vicar  of  God,  are  but  one  consistory.  Wherefore 
the  Pope  hath  power  to  change  times,  to  abrogate  laws,  to 
dispense  with  all  things,  even  the  precepts  of  Christ,  in 
regard  to  war,  marriage,  divorce,  revenge,  swearing,  usury, 
homicide,  perjury,  and  uncleanness.”  “The  Pope  hath  all 


84 


MEXICO  AMD  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


power  in  earth,  purgatory,  hell  and  heaven,  to  bind,  loose, 
command,  permit,  elect,  confirm,  depose,  dispense,  do  and 
undo.  Therefore  it  is  concluded,  commanded,  declared, 
and  pronounced  to  stand  upon  necessity  of  salvation,  for 
every  human  creature  to  he  subject  to  the  Roman  Pontiff." 

VI.  All  temporal  power  is  his  The  dominion,  juris- 
diction, and  government  of  the  whole  earth  is  his  by  divine 
right.  So  that  all  emperors,  kings,  princes,  and  rulers  of 
the  earth  are  his  subjects,  and  must  submit  to  him. 

VII.  “ All  the  earth  is  the  Pope’s  diocese ; ” “ the 
heathen  are  constituted,  by  Divine  decree,  as  his  inheritance, 
and  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  are  his  possession.” 

VIII.  The  Pope  is  supreme  over  all  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority and  councils  of  the  Universal  Church.  He  has 
absolute  power  over  them  ; they  have  none  over  him.  In- 
fallibility in  the  spiritual  order,  and  absolute  sovereignty 
in  the  temporal,  are  synonymous  and  convertible  terms. 

The  common  sense  of  mankind  must  pronounce  against 
such  assumptions,  as  a preposterous  absurdity.  And  if 
such  pretensions  are  made  and  maintained  in  the  name  of 
religion,  it  requires  neither  boldness  nor  courage  to  say, 
that  no  matter  what  the  authority — Emperor,  King,  Pope, 
Priest,  or  Council — that  maintains  them,  the  masses  of 
mankind  throughout  Christendom  will  repudiate  them, 
as  an  utter  caricature  and  travestie  of  Christianity. 

Preposterous  Such  a tissue  of  preposterous  absurdities  never 
issued  before  from  a human  brain,  unless  as 
Laboulaye  says,  “ Tiie  earth  belongs  to  the  dead,  and 
not  to  the  living  ! ” Only  an  age  of  ignorance,  supersti- 
tion and  bigotry,  and  a generation  despoiled  of  all  in- 
dependence and  manhood  by  years  of  despotism  and 
oppression,  would  have  tolerated  it.  The  wonder  is,  that 
indignant  humanity  did  not  rise  in  the  majesty  of  truth 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


85 


and  right,  and  sweep  to  destruction  the  whole  fabric  and 
policy,  with  all  its  agents  and  abettors.  Apocalyptic  pro- 
phecy declares  it  will  yet  be  done,  not  by  human,  but  by 
Divine  indignation  and  wrath. 

The  great  ob-  The  history  of  human  oppression  affords  no 

stacle  to  mod-  . „ „ l 

em civilization,  encouragement  that  Dopes,  Emperors,  .bishops, 
or  .Kings  will  voluntarily  yield  one  iota  of  their  assump- 
tions and  claims.  The  recent  series  of  Bulls,  Encyclicals, 
Allocutions,  and  letters  missive  seem  to  imply  the  insane 
determination  to  arrest  the  car  of  modern  civilization  by 
this  effete  system.  Either  the  rushing  car  of  the  nations  in 
the  career  of  progress  and  human  improvement  in  our  times 
must  be  driven  from  the  track,  or  Popery  with  its  pre- 
tensions must  be  crushed  beneath  the  wheels. 

This  system  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  despotism  which 
ran  its  course  a thousand  years  in  Europe,  crossed  the 
ocean  to  the  New  World.  Here,  in  the  blazing  light  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  it  has  enlisted  the  aid  of  three 
of  the  mighty  powers  of  Europe  to  arrest  in  the  Western 
hemisphere  the  progress  of  liberty,  civilization,  and  Chris- 
tianity. 

The  last  phase  and  the  last  act  of  this  stupendous 
system  appears  in  the  great  highway  of  the  nations — the 
golden  gates  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  ; between  North 
and  South  America,  on  the  meridian  ; on  the  parallel,  be- 
tween Europe  and  Asia ; as  if,  in  an  ordained  position, 
that  the  world  might  be  spectators. 

Here  “ The  Church  Party  ” assert  the  authority,  quote 
the  Decrees,  and  denounce  the  anathemas  of  the  Council 
of  Trent,  to  justify  and  enforce  their  intolerable  system  of 
despotism. 

The  following  statement  and  application  of  these  prin- 
ciples is  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Brownson,  and  is  believed^ 


86 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


to  be  the  accepted  doctrine  of  “ The  Church,”  at  the  pres- 
ent day.  At  least,  so  far  as  is  known,  it  has  never  been 
denied. 


The  suprema-  “ Civil  government  is,  properly  speaking,  only 

church.”  the  subordinate  department  of  government.  The 
people  are  subject  to  a higher  law  than  that  of  civil  gov- 
ernment-— to  a higher  Sovereign  than  the  State.  When 
this  higher  Sovereign,  the  heal  sovereign,  of  which  the 
State  is  but  the  minister,  commands,  it  is  our  duty  to  re- 
sist the  civil  ruler , and  to  overthrow , if  need  be,  the  civil 
government.  This  higher  Sovereign  is,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  will  of  God,  represented  in  this  Department  by  1 The 
Church.’  It  belongs  to  ‘ The  Church,’  then,  as  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  highest  authority  upon  earth,  to  deter- 
mine when  resistance  is  proper,  and  to  prescribe  its  form 
and  extent.  When  this  commands,  it  is  our  duty  to 
obey.” 


Meaning  of  The  Pope  is,  therefore,  if  the  foregoing  state- 
supremacy.  menj-s  are  true,  the  supreme,  absolute,  universal 
Sovereign,  invested  with  all  power,  temporal  and  spirit- 
ual, over  the  whole  earth.  The  four  quarters  of  the  globe 
are  his  dominion.  His  jurisdiction  covers  all  humanity. 
The  souls,  bodies,  and  services  of  men  belong  to  him.  All 
political  and  ecclesiastical  power  inheres  in  him.  All 
earthly  administration  must  emanate  from  him.  The 
legislative,  judiciary,  and  executive  power,  for  all  na- 
tions, all  ages,  all  conditions  of  men,  are  his  prerogative. 
He  enthrones  and  dethrones.  All  Emperors,  Kings, 
Bishops,  and  Priests  are,  of  right,  his  creation.  And  all 
rulers  who  reject  his  authority  are  usurpers.  Every  office 
on  earth,  of  honor,  power,  trust,  or  emolument,  is  his  gift. 
Privileges,  dispensations,  fueros , prohibitions,  interdicts, 
are  his.  He  grants  or  forbids  freedom  of  opinion,  of  con- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


87 


science,  of  speech,  and  of  the  press.  He  decrees  all  that 
we  must  believe.  He  enjoins  all  that  we  must  do.  He 
forgives  or  punishes.  Councils  are  called  to  execute  his 
will,  and  promulgate  his  edicts.  Bishops,  Priests,  and  all 
orders  of  brotherhood  or  sisterhood,  are  of  his  creation. 
He  says,  “By  me  kings  reign,  and  princes  decree  justice.” 
He  alone  binds  and  dissolves  the  marriage  tie.  All  edu- 
cation must  be  moulded  to  his  views.  Decoration  and 
vestment,  food  and  fast,  literature  and  science,  slavery 
and  civilization,  are  his  behests  It  is  for  him  to  bind  and 
loose.  Life  and  death,  even,  hang  upon  his  breath.  The 
Inquisition  and  dungeons  rise  — fire  and  faggot  kindle,  at 
his  word.  The  keys  of  Heaven,  of  Purgatory,  and  of  Hell 
are  in  his  hands,  and  he  opens  and  closes  the  gates  at  his  will. 
The  church  Such  are  the  claims  which  “ The  Church 
tnots.  Party 11  in  Mexico  have  ever  and  everywhere 
asserted  and  sought  to  maintain.  The  Republican  Pat- 
riots of  Mexico  have  denied  and  resisted  them.  The 
totality  of  the  struggle  in  Mexico  has  hinged  upon  the 
assertion  and  the  denial,  the  attempted  enforcement  and 
resistance,  of  such  claims  as  these. 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  MEXICAN  “ CHURCH  PARTY ; ” ITS  ORGANIZATION,  WEALTH  AND 

POWER. 

The  vital  eie-  The  power  and  the  policy  of  the  ecclesiastical 
question.  establishment  of  Mexico,  and  the  character,  so- 
cial position,  and  influence  of  “ The  Church  party,”  wield- 
ing the  two-edged  sword  of  the  magistrate  and  the  priest, , 
are  vital  elements  in  the  Mexican  problem.  The}'  have 
been  the  prolific  source  of  all  the  troubles,  revolutions, 
and  struggles  of  the  republic. 


88 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


“ The  Church 
Party.” 


The  “ Church  party  ” is  as  old  as  the  conquest. 
It  is,  in  Mexico,  the  growth  of  three  centuries. 
Its  ramifications  enter  into  all  the  elements  and  interests 
of  Mexican  society.  It  has  always  wielded  the  sword  of 
the  state,  and  all  the  enginery  of  spiritual  power.  The 
Briarean  arms  of  the  Viceroy  and  of  the  Bishop  have  ruled 
with  a rod  of  iron.  The  whole  system,  organization,  and 
policy  are  of  foreign  origin,  not  created  in  Mexico,  but 
transplanted  there.  The  germs  of  the  whole  structure 
were  planted  a milieu neum  before  Columbus  was  born.  In 
order  to  understand  Mexico,  and  her  revolutions  and 
wars,  it  is  indispensable  to  trace  the  system  from  its 
source,  down  through  its  dark,  despotic  career. 

“statistics  of  In  1850,  Senor  Lerdo  de  Tejado,  First  Official 
The  church.-  ^ ]y[jnjs^erj0  qe  Fomento,  published  a statisti- 
cal chart,*  containing  the  following  synopsis  of  the  Mexi- 
can Hierarchy,  of  the  religious  houses,  their  endowments, 
revenue,  salaries,  &c. 


Archbishop  of  Mexico, 1 

Bishops, 11 

Prebends, 184 

Parishes, 1229 

Ecclesiastics : 

Regular  Monks,  bound  by  monastic  vows  and 

rules, 1139 

Secular  Clergy,  in  parish  service, 2084 

Convents  of  Monks, 146 

Convents  of  Nuns, 59 

Colleges  for  propagating  the  faith, 8 

Ecclesiastics  inhabiting  Convents, 1139 

Nuns  residing  in  Convents, 1541 

Young  girls  in  Convents, *740 


* Grando  Sinoptico  de  la  Republica  Mexicana  en  1850.  Por 
Miguel  M.  Lerdo  y Tejado,  approved  by  the  Mexican  Society  ot 
Geography  and  Statistics. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


89 


Servants  in  Convents, 870 

Members  of  Colleges  for  propagating  the  Faith, 238 

Total, 9389 

Conventual  Establishments  of  the  “ Regular  Orders.” 

Dominicans, 25 

Franciscans, 68 

Augustines, 22 

Carmelites, 16 

Mercedarios, 19 

Total, 150 


Present  estimated  number  of  Ecclesiastics, 7000 


church  Key-  The  general  revenue  destined  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  clergy,  and  of  religious  services 
in  the  republic,  may  be  divided  into  four  classes. 

I.  That  which  appertains  to  the  bishops  and  to  the 
canons,  who  form  the  chapter  of  the  Cathedral. 

II.  Those  revenues  which  appertain  to  particular 
ecclesiastics  and  chaplaincies. 

III.  Those  of  curates  and  vicars. 

IY.  Those  of  various  communities  of  religios , of  both 
sexes. 

Tithes  and  erst-  The  first  class  is  principally  of  tithes  and  first- 
fruits,  the  product  of  which  was  very  consider- 
able in  times  past,  when  they  included  a tenth  part  of  all 
the  first  fruits  which  grew  upon  the  soil  of  the  republic, 
and  the  firstlings  of  the  cattle.  But  lately  this  revenue 
has  much  fallen  off,  since,  by  the  law  of  the  17th  of 
October,  1833,  it  is  no  longer  obligatory  upon  the  culti- 
vators to  pay  this  contribution.  Nevertheless,  there  are 
still  many  persons  who,  for  conscientious  reasons,  or  for 
other  cause,  continue  to  pay  this  tax,  so  that  it  produces 
a very  considerable  sum.  This  part  of  the  clergy  also 


90 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


receive  considerable  sums,  which  have  been  left  by  devout 
persons  for  the  performance  of  certain  annual  ceremonies, 
called  anniversaries. 

The  collegiate  church  of  our  Lady  of  Guada- 

Special  capital.  , 0 , ’’ 

lupe  has,  in  addition  to  a monthly  lottery  which 
operates  upon  a capital  of  $13,000,  certain  properties  and 
other  capitals,  of  which  the  government  takes  no  account. 

Particular  ecclesiastics  and  chaplains  are  supported  on 
a capital,  generally  of  $3000,  established  by  certain  pious 
persons  for  that  object,  besides  the  alms  of  the  faithful, 
which  are  given  for  a certain  number  of  masses,  to  be  ap- 
plied to  objects  of  their  devotion. 

The  support  of  curates  consists  of  parochial 
rights,  namely,  fees  for  baptisms,  marriages, 
funerals,  responses,  and  religious  celebrations  ( f undo  ns ), 
which,  in  their  respective  churches,  they  command  the 
faithful  to  make  ; and  finally,  by  the  profits  which  they 
derive  from  the  sale  of  novenas.  medals,  scapularies,  rib- 
bons ( madedas ),  wax,  and  other  objects  vvhich  the  parish- 
oners  employ. 

The  income  of  convents  of  monks,  besides  the 
alms  which  they  receive  for  masses,  funcions,  and 
funerals,  which  they  celebrate  in  the  convent  churches, 
consists  of  the  rents  of  great  properties,  which  they  have 
accumulated  in  the  course  of  ages. 


Support  of  the 
Curates. 


Income  of 
Convents. 


The  convents  of  nuns  are  in  like  manner  supported  by 
the  income  of  great  estates,  with  the  exception  of  two  or 
three  convents,  which  possess  no  property,  and  whose  in- 
mates live  on  charity. 

Besides  the  incomes  named,  which  pertain  to  the 
personnel  of  the  clergy,  there  are  in  the  cathedrals  and 
other  parochial  churches  revenues  which  arise  from  some 
properties  and  foundations,  created  for  attending  to  certain 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


91 


Management 
of  property. 


clues,  called  “ fabrica which  consist  of  all  those  objects 
necessary  for  the  services  of  this  worship. 

From  the  want  of  publicity  which  is  generally 
observed  in  the  management  of  the  properties 
and  incomes  of  the  clergy,  it  is  impossible  to  fix  exactly 
the  value  of  one  or  the  other ; but  tliej^  can  be  calculated 
approximately  by  taking  for  the  basis,  those  data  which 
are  within  the  reach  of  the  public,  which  are  the  total 
value  of  the  production  of  the  annual  return  (movimiento) 
of  the  population  for  births,  marriages,  deaths,  and  finally 
the  devout  practices,  which  are  still  customary  among  the 
greater  part  of  the  population.  Observing  carefully  these 
data,  I assume,  without  the  fear  of  committing  a great 
error,  that  the  total  amount  whicli  the  clergy  to-day  real- 
ize, in  the  whole  extent  of  the  republic,  for  rents,  proceeds 
of  tithes,  parochial  rights,  alms,  religious  ceremonies 
(funcions),  and  for  the  sale  of  divers  objects  of  devotion,  is 
between  eight  and  ten  millions  of  dollars. 

Some  writers  have  estimated  the  properties 
belonging  to  the  clergy  at  one  half  of  the  pro- 
ductive wealth  of  the  nation  ; others  at  one-third  part ; 
but  I cannot  give  much  credit  to  such  writers,  as  they  are 
only  calculations  that  rest  on  no  certain  data.  I am  sure 
that  the  total  amount  of  the  property  of  the  clergy,  for 
chaplaincies,  foundations,  and  other  pious  uses,  together 
with  rustic  and  city  properties  which  belong  to  the  divers 
religious  corporations,  amount  to  an  enormous  sum,  not- 
withstanding the  falling  off,  that  is  said  to  have  taken 
place  from  the  amounts  of  former  years. 

All  property  in  the  district  of  Mexico  [federal 
district]  is  estimated  at  $50,000,000,  the  half  of 
ivliich pertains  to  the  clergy.  Uniting  the  product  of  this 
property  to  the  tithes,  parochial  rights,  etc.,  I am  well  as- 


Aggregate  of 
wealth. 


Wealth  of 
the  Clergy. 


92 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


sured  that  the  total  of  the  income  of  the  clergy  amounts 
to  from  eighteen  to  twenty  millions  of  dollars. 

SALARIES  OF  THE  NINE  BISHOPS. 


The  Archbishop  of  Mexico $130,000 

Bishop  of  Pueblo 110,000 

“ Valladolid 110,000 

“ Guadalajara 90,000 

“ Durango 35,000 

“ Monterey 30,000 

“ Yucatan 20,000 

“ Oajaca 18,000 

“ Sonora 6,000 


Total  income  of  twelve  Bishops $539,000 


THE  CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

In  1850,  the  estimate  of  the  property  of  the 


church  was  as  follows  : 

Real  estate,  city  and  country $18,000,000 

Churches,  houses,  convents,  curates,  dwellings, 
furniture,  jewels,  sacred  vessels,  and  other 

personalities 52,000,000 

Floating  capital,  &c 20,000,000 

Total $90,000,000 


It  is  estimated  that  the  aggregate  amount  drawn  from 
the  poor  natives,  in  contributions,  royal  exactions,  and 
other  imposts  for  the  benefit  of  the  clergy,  would  corre- 
spond to  at  least  a capital  of  $115,000,000. 

The  power  which  the  clergy  possess  in  the  tvealth  of 
their  churches,  the  extent  of  their  landed  property,  as 
lenders  and  mortgag-ees  in  Mexico,  where  there  are  no 
banks,  is  enormous.  The  money  power  is  next  to  the 
spiritual. 


*Essai  Politique,  vol.  1,  p.  173. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


93 


Support  of  the 
Church. 


u Senor  Lerdo  estimates  the  amount  consumed 
in  the  maintenance  of  the  3,223  ecclesiastics  is 
annually  $20,000,000,  besides  the  very  large  sums  expend- 
ed in  the  repairs  and  ornaments  of  an  enormous  number 
of  churches,  and  in  gifts  at  the  shrines  of  the  different 
images,  which  cannot  be  appropriated,  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  clerg3’.  This  sum  of  $20,000,000,  if  fairly  divided 
among  them,  would  yield  an  abundant  support,  though 
not  an  extravagant  living ; but  unfortunately  the  greatest 
portion  of  this  immense  sum  is  absorbed  by  the  bishops , 
while  the  priests  of  the  villages  contrive  to  exist  by  the  con- 
tributions they  wring  out  of  the  peons.  At  the  time  of 
the  census,  1793,  the  twelve  bishops  had  $539,000  ap- 
propriated to  their  support,  but  now  their  revenues  are  so 
mixed  up  with  the  revenues  of  the  church,  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  say  how  much  these  twelve  successors  of  the 
apostles  appropriate  to  their  own  support  ! ” — Wilson’s 
“ Mexico,”  p.  322. 

“In  place  of  the  Inquisition,  which  the  re- 
formed Spanish  government  took  away  from  the 
Church  of  Mexico,  the  church  now  wields  the  power  of 
wealth,  almost  fabulous  in  amount,  which  is  practically  in 
the  hands  of  a close  corporation-sole.  The  influence  of 
the  Archbishop , as  the  substantial  oivner  of  half  the  property 
in  the  city  of  Mexico , gives  him  a power  over  his  tenants 
unknown  under  our  system  of  laws.  Besides  this,  a large 
portion  of  the  church  property  is  in  money,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop is  the  great  loan  and  trust  company  of  Mexico. 
Nor  is  this  power  by  any  means  an  insignificant  one.  A 
bankrupt  government  is  overawed  by  it.  Men  of  intellect 
are  crushed  into  silence,  and  no  opposition  can  successfully 
stand,  against  the  influence  of  the  Church  Lord  who  car- 
ries in  his  hand  the  treasures  of  heaven,  and  in  his  money 


The  money 
power. 


94 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


bags,  the  material  that  moves  the  world.  To  understand 
the  full  force  of  his  power  of  money,  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  Mexico  is  a country  proverbial  for  recklessness 
in  all  conditions  of  life ; for  extravagant  living,  and  ex- 
travagant equipages  ; a country  where  a man’s  position  in 
society  is  determined  by  the  state  he  maintains ; a country, 
the  basis  of  whose  wealth  is  the  mines  of  precious  metal, 
where  princely  fortunes  are  quickly  acquired  and  suddenly 
lost,  and  where  hired  labor  has  hardly  a cash  value.  In 
such  a country,  the  power  and  influence  of  money  has  a 
meaning  beyond  any  idea  we  can  form.  Look  at  a promi- 
nent man  making  an  ostentatious  display  of  his  devotion  ; 
his  example  is  of  advantage  to  the  church,  and  the  church 
may  be  of  advantage  to  him,  for  it  has  an  abundance  of 
money  at  6 per  cent,  per  annum,  while  the  outside  money- 
lenders charge  him  2 per  cent,  per  month.  The  church 
too  may  have  a mortgage  upon  his  house  overdue  ; and 
woe  betide  him  if  he  should  undertake  a crusade  against 
the  church.  This  is  a string  that  the  church  can  pull 
upon,  which  is  strong  enough  to  overawe  government 
itself.” — Wilson’s  “ Mexico,  ” p.  323. 


THE  MILITARY  POWER. 

Military  power  In  1840,  the  military  and  naval  forces  of  Mex- 
of  the  church.  were  estimated  at  40,000  men.  The  organi- 
zation of  the  army,  in  divisions  and  brigades  of  artillery 
(mounted  and  on  foot),  infantry,  cavalry,  and  engi- 
neering corps,  was  eminently  adapted  to  the  condition  of 
the  country,  and  the  purposes  of  the  government.  There 
were  fourteen  generals  of  division,  and  twenty-six  of  bri- 
gade ; all,  of  course,  virtually  under  the  dominant  influ- 
ence and  control  of  the  appointing  and  supporting  power. 
The  annual  war  estimates  were  eight  millions  of  dollars. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


95 


At  about  the  same  period  the  whole  military  force  of 
the  United  States  did  not  exceed  10,000  men,  at  an  annual 
expense  of  about  three  millions  of  dollars. 

The  military  arm  of  the  Republic  was  always  wielded 
by  the  clergy.  “ The  church ” and  “the  army,”  though, 
separate  and  distinct  organizations,  were  bound  together 
by  ties  of  inseparable  interest.  Thus  the  clerical,  the 
monetary,  and  the  military  power  of  the  Republic  formed 
one  consolidated  force,  to  resist  any  reforms  in  the  “ Old 
Regime.”  The  priesthood,  the  aristocracy,  the  monopolists, 
and  military  officers,  as  a whole,  acted  in  concert 
together. 

Such  is  the  religious  system , the  very  founda- 

The  System.  . v ° J 

tions  of  which  are  laid  m despotism  of  the  most 
absolute  and  revolting  forms ; the  fruits  of  which,  for 
centuries,  have  been  ignorance,  superstition,  degradation, 
and  vice  ; the  system  which,  in  this  nineteenth  century,  the 
two  foremost  nations  in  Europe,  leading  the  van  of  civili- 
zation— England  and  France — combined  with  the  “ old 
Spanish  Regime,”  in  the  intervention  alliance,  to  force 
and  fasten  in  perpetuity  upon  helpless  Mexico ! God 
“ delivered  her  that  had  no  helper.” 

CHAPTER  VI. 

CATHEDRALS,  CHURCHES,  AND  CONVENTS. 

The  temples  Nothing  more  surely  indicates  the  charac- 

and  the  wor-  # 

ship-  ter  of  a priesthood,  and  the  kind  of  influ- 

ence they  exert  upon  a people,  than  the  structure  and 
appointments  of  their  sacred  temples,  and  the  manner  and 
tendency  of  their  worship  and  religious  observances. 

This  condition  of  things  is  strikingly  instructive  in 


96 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Mexico,  and  shows  how  utterly  perverted  are  all  the  truths 
and  institutions  of  the  gospel ; how  degenerate  and  dead 
the  whole  economy  of  grace,  for  the  instruction,  enlight- 
enment, and  salvation  of  men. 

Cathedrals  and  churches  are  converted  into 

Cathedrals. 

mere  bazars,  for  the  exhibition  of  the  accumu- 
lated wealth  of  “The  Church;”  the  display  of  gold  and 
silver ; jewels  and  gewgaws ; embroidered  vestments  of 
silk,  satin,  and  gold ; pampered  luxury  at  the  altar,  and 
tattered  rags,  deplorable  ignorance,  and  squalid  wretch- 
edness in  the  aisles.  They  have  become  mere  puppet- 
shows  of  meaningless  mummeries  in  an  unknown  tongue, 
and  marionette  performances,  to  amuse  and  bewilder  the 
people — not  to  instruct,  to  elevate,  and  to  save  them. 

Throughout  all  Mexico,  the  cathedrals  and  churches 
are  adorned  with  costly  and  tawdry  ornamentations  of 
every  description.  The  interiors  are  loaded  with  sculp- 
tures of  fabulous  richness,  with  images,  paintings,  and 
gaudy  trappings — all  designed  to  overpower  the  minds 
and  work  upon  the  superstitions  of  an  uninstructed 
people.  The  following  are  descriptions  from  eye-witnesses. 


THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  PUEBLA. 


Cathedral  of 
Puebla. 


The  cathedral  of  Puebla  is  in  all  its  details 
and  arrangements  the  most  magnificent  in  the 


Republic.  Some  idea  of  the  extent  and  wealth  of  its  deco- 
rations may  be  derived  from  a very  few  statements.  The 
great  chandelier  suspended  from  the  centre  of  its  vast 
dome  is  a mass  of  gold  and  silver,  weighing  tons.  When 
cleaned  thoroughly,  a few  years  ago,  the  cost  of  its  purifi- 
cation was  four  thousand  dollars  ! 

The  High  The  High  Altar,  erected  by  one  of  the  bish- 
ops, is  a colossal  monument  of  marvellous  and 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


97 


complicated  work,  and  presents  the  greatest  display  of 
Mexican  marbles  in  the  Republic.  The  variety  of  colors 
is  very  great  One  is  of  a pure,  brilliant  white,  as  trans- 
parent as  alabaster. 

The  rail,  and  steps,  of  fine  marble,  lead  to  a circular 
platform,  eight  or  ten  feet  above  the  floor,  beneath  which 
is  the  sepulchre  of  the  bishops.  It  is  constructed  of  the 
most  precious  materials,  and  divided  into  niches  and 
panels.  The  whole  is  surmounted  by  a dome,  relieved  by 
bronze  and  golden  circles,  from  the  centre  of  which  hangs 
a silver  lamp,  forever  burning  in  this  habitation  of  the  dead. 


The  figure  of 
the  Virgin. 


To  the  right  of  the  altar  is  the  gem  of  the 


building. 


It  is  a figure  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
near  the  size  of  life.  Dressed  in  the  richest  embroi- 
dered satin,  she  displays  strings  of  the  largest  pearls, 
hanging:  from  her  neck  to  below  her  knees.  Around 
her  brow  is  clasped  a crown  of  gold,  inlaid  with  emeralds 
of  marvellous  size.  Her  waist  is  bound  with  a zone  of 
diamonds,  from  the  centre  of  which  blaze  numbers  of 
enormous  brilliants. 

The  Temple  “The  candelabras  surrounding  the  platform 
ofthe  w.  pefore  £pe  apai^  are  0f  silver  and  gold,  and  so 

ponderous  that  a strong  man  can  neither  lift  nor  move  them. 
Immediately  above  the  altar,  and  within  the  columns  of 
the  large  temple  erected  there,  is  a smaller  one,  the  inte- 
rior of  which  is  opened  or  concealed  by  means  of  machinery. 
From  this  the  Host,  amid  a blaze  of  priceless  and  innu- 
merable jewels,  is  exhibited  to  the  kneeling  multitude ! 11 

The  principal  dome  is,  of  course,  in  the  centre  of  the 
church.  Opposite  the  front  of  the  altar  is  the  choir, 
remarkable  for  the  workmanship  of  the  richly  carved 
woodwork  of  the  stalls  for  the  canons  and  clergy.* 

* Mayer’s  Mexico,  p.  24. 

7 


98 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  whole  is  a mine  of  wealth  and  splendor. 


Site  of  the 
Cathedral. 


THE  CATHEDRAL  OF  MEXICO. 

This  edifice  was  begun  in  1573,  by  order  of  Philip  II., 
and  was  finished  in  1667.  It  is  of  the  Doric  order,  and 
cost  about  2,000,000  of  dollars.  The  principal  facade  has 
three  entrance  doors,  and  is  flanked  by  two  square  tow- 
ers. At  the  base  of  one  of  these  is  the  celebrated  Aztec 
calendar,  an  enormous  granite  monolith,  which  was 
removed  in  1790  from  the  place  where  it  had  been  buried. 

By  the  side  of  the  cathedral  is  the  Sagrario,  another 
church,  the  two  facades  of  which  are  entirely  covered  with 
sculptures.  The  richness,  or  more  properly  speaking,  the 
excess,  the  abuse  of  ornamentation,  appears  in  this  mon- 
ument as  nowhere  else. 

It  occupies  the  site  of  the  great  idol  temple  of 
Montezuma,  and  is  five  hundred  feet  long  by 
four  hundred  and  twenty  wide.  Upon  entering  it,  one  is 
apt  to  recall  the  wild  fictions  of  the  Arabian  Nights ; it 
seems  as  if  the  wealth  of  empires  was  collected  there. 
The  clergy  of  Mexico  do  not,  for  obvious  reasons,  desire 
that  their  wealth  should  be  made  known  to  its  full  extent. 
They  are,  therefore,  not  disposed  to  give  very  full  informa- 
tion upon  the  subject,  or  to  exhibit  the  gold  and  silver 
vessels,  vases,  precious  stones,  and  other  forms  of  wealth. 
Quite  enough  is  exhibited  to  strike  the  beholder  with 
wonder. 

The  first  object  that  presents  itself  on  entering 
the  cathedral  is  the  altar,  erected  on  a platform 
near  the  centre  of  the  building ; it  is  made  of  highly 
wrought  and  highly  polished  silver,  and  covered  with  a 
profusion  of  crosses  and  ornaments  of  pure  gold.*  On 

* It  is  surmounted  by  a small  temple,  iu  which  rests  the  figure  of 


The  Great 
Altar. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


99 


each  side  of  this  altar  runs  a balustrade,  enclosing  a space 
about  eight  feet  wide,  and  eighty  or  a hundred  feet  long. 
The  balusters  are  about  four  feet  high,  and  four  inches 
thick  in  the  largest  part ; the  handrail  from  six  to  eight 
inches  wide.  Upon  the  top  of  this  handrail,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  six  or  eight  feet  apart,  are  human  images,  beau- 
tifully wrought,  and  about  two  feet  high,  used  as  candela- 
bras.  All  of  these,  the  balustrade,  handrail,  and  images, 
are  made  of  a compound  of  gold,  silver,  and  copper — more 
valuable  than  silver.  It  is  said  an  offer  was  once  made  to 
take  this  balustrade,  and  replace  it  with  another  of  exactly 
the  same  size  and  workmanship  of  pure  silver,  and  to  give 
half  a million  of  dollars  besides.  There  is  much  more  of 
the  same  balustrade  in  other  parts  of  the  church,  pro- 
bably in  all  not  less  than  three  hundred  feet. 

Decorations  As  you  walk  through  the  building,  on  either 
and  wealth.  gpje  fpere  are  different  apartments,  all  filled  from 

the  floor  to  the  ceiling  with  paintings,  statues,  vases,  huge 
candlesticks,  waiters,  and  a thousand  other  articles  of  gold 
or  silver.  Such  is  only  the  everyday  display  of  articles  of 
least  value ; the  more  costly  are  stored  away  in  chests  and 
closets.  What  must  it  be  when  all  these  are  brought  out, 
with  the  immense  quantity  of  precious  stones  which  the 
church  is  known  to  possess  ? 

churches  of  This  is  but  one  of  the  churches  of  Mexico. 

There  are  between  sixty  and  eighty  others,  some 
of  them  possessing  little  less  Avealth  than  the  cathedral. 
All  the  other  large  cities,  such  as  Puebla,  Guadalajara, 
Guanajuato,  Zacatecas,  Durango,  San  Luis  Potosi,  have 

the  “ Virgin  of  Remedies,”  who  enjoys  the  exclusive  right  to  three 
'petticoats : one  embroidered  with  pearls,  another  with  emeralds,  and  a 
third  with  diamonds,  the  value  of  which  is  credibly  stated  at  not  less 
than  three  millions  of  dollars  ! 


100 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


each  a proportionate  number  of  equally  gorgeous  estab- 
lishments. It  would  be  the  wildest  and  most  random 
conjecture  to  attempt  an  estimate  of  the  amount  of  the 
precious  metals  thus  withdrawn  from  the  useful  purposes 
of  the  currency  of  the  world,  and  wasted  in  these  barbaric 
ornaments,  as  incompatible  with  good  taste,  as  they  are 
with  the  humility,  which  was  the  most  striking  feature  in 
the  character  of  the  Founder  of  our  religion. 

CHURCHES. 

church  orna-  The  statues  of  saints  which  decorate  the 

mentation.  i i n . . i 

churches  are  arrayed  in  costumes  the  most 
grotesque,  stupid,  and  puerile.  Why  this  bad  taste,  baby- 
ism, and  charlatanry  ? 

“There  are  innumerable  crucifixes,  large  and  small, 
painted  in  glaring  red,  so  as  to  represent  the  hideous 
spectacle  of  a man  flayed  alive,  and  wearing  starched  skirts 
fringed  with  laces.”  The  Spaniards  perpetuate  their  tra- 
ditions, by  robing  Christ  in  crinoline  ! 

“ I have  seen,”  says  one  writer,  “ upon  an  altar  in 
Mexico,  two  female  statues  too  much  ‘ decolletes,’  with  a 
very  low  bodice  of  white  satin  and  short  skirts,  exposing 
the  beautiful  limbs.  They  would  be  taken  for  opera  dan- 
seuses.  They  represented  Saint  Gabriel  and  Saint  Michel. 
I could  mention  still  more  singular  facts  of  this  kind,  in 
almost  all  the  churches  of  Mexico,  but  what  good  would 
it  do  ? There  will  no  doubt  yet  come  intelligent  Bishops 
who  will  no  longer  permit  such  a travestie  of  images  that 
Ave  ought  to  venerate.”  “The  statues  of  Christ,  of  angels 
and  saints,  are  everywhere,  in  most  ridiculous  attire.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


101 


CHAPTER  VII. 


THE  RELIGIOUS  CEREMONIES  OF  THE  CHURCH. 


"Worship  and 
character. 


The  deities,  the  temples,  and  the  worship  of  a 
people  unerringly  indicate  the  degree  of  their 
intelligence,  cultivation,  and  moral  sentiment.  The  char- 
acter of  the  Priesthood  who  minister  at  their  altars,  pre- 
scribe the  ritual,  direct  and  control  the  whole  economy  of 
service,  enjoin  every  duty  of  a religious  life,  still  more  clear- 
ly show  the  mental  and  moral  condition  of  their  flocks. 
“ Like  priests  like  people.” 

In  this  respect,  priest  and  people  stand  upon  the  same 
level,  with  this  difference — the  responsibility  rests  with  the 
priesthood.  In  Mexico,  the  opportunity  and  the  duty  has 
been  theirs,  for  three  hundred  years,  to  educate  and  elevate 
the  people.  They  have  had  the  wealth  and  the  power  to 
do  it.  They  have  utterly  failed  to  fulfil  their  mission. 
Their  own  deepest  condemnation  is  found  in  the  descrip- 
tion, by  their  own  friends,  of  the  ignorance,  poverty,  and 
degradation  of  their  flocks.  The  condition  to-day  of  the 
poor,  oppressed,  benighted  Indian  tribes,  is  a monument 
and  witness  of  the  infidelity  and  shame  of  the  priest- 
hood. 

The  Hon.  Waddy  Thompson,  Envoy  Extraordinary 
and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  wrote 
upon  this  subject  as  follows  :* 

“ The  things  which  most  strike  an  American 
od  his  first  arrival  in  Mexico,  are  the  proces- 
sions, ceremonies,  and  mummeries  of  the  Catholic  wor- 
ship. 


Religious 

ceremonies. 


* Recollections  of  Mexico. 
Chap.  x. 


By  Waddy  Thompson.  N.  Y.,  1846. 


102 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


“The  natural  proneness  of  every  ignorant  people  to  re- 
gard the  external  symbols  aud  ceremonies  of  religion,  and 
an  incapacity  to  appreciate  its  time  spirit  and  sublime 
truths,  give  to  the  Catholic  ritual,  with  all  its  pomp  and 
circumstance,  its  pictures,  statues,  processions,  and  impos- 
ing ceremonial,  peculiar  power  and  influence. 

Aztec  and  “ But  as  to  any  rational  idea  of  true  religion, 

Spanish  • . ^ , 

idolatry.  or  just  conception  of  its  divine  Author , the  great 
mass  are  little  more  enlightened  than  were  their  ancestors 
in  the  time  of  Montezuma.  Their  religion  is  very  little 
less  an  idolatry  than  that  of  the  grotesque  images  of  stone 
and  clay  of  which  it  has  taken  the  place.  There  is 
scarcely  an  hour  in  the  day  when  the  little  bells  are  not 
heard  in  the  street,  announcing  that,  some  priest  is  on  his 
way  to  administer  the  sacrament  to  some  one  sick  or 
dying.  The  priest  is  seated  in  a coach  drawn  by  two 
mules,  followed  by  ten  or  a dozen  friars,  with  lighted  wax 
candles,  chanting  as  they  go.  The  coach  is  preceded  by 
a man  who  rings  a small  bell,  to  announce  the  approach  of 
the  Host.  Every  one  who  happens  to  be  in  the  street  is 
expected  to  uncover  himself  and  kneel.  The  inmates  of 
all  the  houses  on  the  street  do  the  same  thing.  Nothing 
is  more  common  than  to  hear  them  exclaim,  whenever 
they  hear  the  bell,  ‘ Dios  viene,  Dios  viene,’ — ‘ God  is 
coming,  God  is  coming  ’ — when,  whatever  they  may  be 
doing,  they  instantly  fall  on  their  knees.  Until  very 
recently  every  one  was  required  to  kneel,  and  a very  few 
years  since  an  American  shoemaker  wras  murdered  in  his 
shop,  for  refusing  to  do  it.  But  now  they  are  satisfied  if 
you  pull  off  your  hat  and  stop  until  the  Host  passes.” 

The  procession  “What  I have  described  is  the  visit  of  the 
ot  the  Host.  jjog£  £0  some  common  person.  The  procession  is 

more  or  less  numerous,  and  the  person  in  the  coach  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


103 


Church 

services. 


more  or  less  dignity,  from  an  humble  priest  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Mexico,  according  to  the  dignity  and  station  of 
the  person  visited.  Sometimes  the  procession  is  accom- 
panied by  a large  band  of  music.  The  visit  of  the  Host 
to  the  Senora  Santa  Anna,  in  her  last  illness,  was  attended 
by  a procession  of  twenty  thousand  people,  headed  by  the 
Archbishop.” 

“ The  pomp  and  pageantry  of  the  ritual  as  it  now  exists 
in  Mexico,  is  revolting  in  its  disgusting  mummeries  and 
impostures,  which  degrade  the  Christian  religion  into  an 
absurd,  ridiculous,  and  venal  superstition.” 

Lempriere  says,  “ Some  kind  of  religious  per- 
formances may  be  witnessed  in  the  principal 
towns  and  cities  almost  daily.  You  enter  a church,  and 
invariably  encounter  a motley  crowd.  There  is  a small 
sprinkling  of  well-dressed,  well-appearing  individuals 
found  in  these  gatherings ; but  tilth,  disease,  deformity, 
brutishness,  and  abject  heathenism  are  the  prevailing- 
characteristics  of  these  assemblages  and  processions.  It 
is  impossible  for  an  individual  of  respectable  education 
and  ordinary  delicacy  of  feeling  and  moral  sense, — 
whether  man  or  woman, — to  join  a crowd  in  one  of  these 
; payodci <9  or  jos  temples  called  churches,  without  feeling  in- 
effable disgust.  No  one  will  deny  that  these  structures, 
especially  in  the  largest  cities,  evince  an  imposing  and  noble 
order  of  architecture ; and  here  all  that  is  good,  respect- 
able, and  decent  ends.” 

images  and  “ The  prevailing  style  of  the  interior  fitting  up, 
decorations.  -g  Q£  tinsel,  flash,  and  tawdry  order,  inter- 
spersed with  miserable  daubs  and  images,  intending  to 
represent  Jesus  Christ,  Saints,  Virgins,  and  Martyrs.  The 
style  of  raiment  borne  by  these  figures  varies  from  a wisp 
of  cloth,  such  as  is  worn  by  the  wild  Indians,  to  that  of 


104 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


full  military,  fancy  ball  dress,  or  Indian  costume, — a mix- 
ture to  suit  vulgar  vitiated  tastes,  and  minister  to  super- 
stitious feelings.  This  is  the  interior  aspect  of  the  Mexican 
Church  at  the  present  day.  Fifty  years  ago  there  was  in 
one  of  the  churches  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  an  image  of 
the  most  ghastly  and  horrid  appearance,  intended  to  rep- 
resent the  Saviour.  Its  eyes  were  worked  by  wires,  and 
the  large  bloodshot  balls  were  made  to  roll  in  the  most 
frightful  manner  whenever  it  was  thought  necessary  to  in- 
spire terror.  This  hellish  contrivance  proved  too  much 
for  the  sensibilities  of  a portion  of  the  worshippers,  espe- 
cially women  enciente , and  of  a nervous  temperament. 
Several  cases  of  insanity  occurring  under  its  influence,  it 
was  fin  all)7  removed,  and  now  lies,  with  other  rubbish,  in 
an  old  stone  house  in  the  village  of  Guadalupe,  near  the 
capital.” 

perversion  of  “ The  strange  heathen  mummery,  a species  of 
Christianity,  Nagualism,  that  passes  in  Mexico  under  the 

name  of  Christianity,  may  be  accounted  for  in  the  fact  that 
the  adventurous,  conquering  Spaniards,  superstitious, 
fanatical,  and  vicious  themselves,  encountered  in  Mexico 
a superstitious,  fanatical,  but  comparatively  virtuou-s  peo- 
ple. The  Spaniards  found  the  mythological  system  of  the 
natives  all-powerful — paramount,  in  fact,  to  everything 
else,  in  their  social  organization.  Nevertheless,  the  fathers 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  with  the  sword  in  one  hand  and 
the  cross  in  the  other,  made  light  work  of  forcing  the 
masses  to  undergo  the  slight  formal  process  considered 
necessary  to  release  them  from  what  they  termed  the  dark- 
ness of  paganism,  and  bring  them  under  the  benign,  puri- 
fying, and  revivifying  influences  of  Christianity.  But 
now  nearly  three  and  a half  centuries  have  passed , and 
it  is  found  that  the  Christianity  introduced  into  Mexico 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


105 


by  the  Spaniards,  has  adapted  itself  to  the  paganism  of 
the  natives,  and  obliterated  their  original  virtues  by 
engrafting  upon  them  the  worst  vices  of  the  conquering 
race  ! ” * 


“ I have  seen  in  the  church  of  San  Augustin,” 
01  ’ says  another,  “ one  or  two  hundred  people  assem- 

bled at  night.  The  chapel  was  darkened,  and  they  took 
off  their  clothes  and  lacerated  themselves  severely  with 
pieces  of  hard-twisted  cord,  made  like  a cat-o’-nine-tails. 
It  was  not  such  a flogging  as  Sancho  gave  himself  to  dis- 
enchant Dulcinea,  but  a real  bona-fide  castigation.  Of 
this  I have  no  doubt,  for  I picked  up  one  of  the  disciplines, 
the  instrument  used,  and  it  was  wet  and  soaked  with  blood. 
I stood  at  the  door  as  the  penitents  came  out,  and  recog- 
nized among  them  some  of  the  most  respectable  people 
in  Mexico.  No  one  in  his  senses  can  doubt  the  sincerity 
of  those  who  will  voluntarily  inflict  such  torture  upon  them- 
selves.” f 


Adoration  of 
the  Virgin. 


11  One  Sabbath  day,”  says  a traveller,  “ I at- 
tended the  Indian  celebration  of  the  appearance 
of  the  most  blessed  Virgin.  This  was  the  first  time  that 
I had  ever  seen  in  a house  dedicated  to  the  worship  of 
God,  or  rather  in  a temple  consecrated  to  the  adoration  of 
the  Virgin,  fantastic  dances  performed  by  Indians  under 
the  supervision  of  priests  and  bishops.  When  I found  out 
what  the  entertainment  was,  I was  heartily  vexed  that  I 
should  be  at  such  a place  on  the  Sabbath  day.  The  danc- 
ing and  singing  was  bad  enough,  but  the  climax  was 
reached  when  the  priest  came  down  from  the  altar  with  an 
array  of  attendants  bearing  immense  candles,  to  the  side- 
door,  where  the  procession  stopped  to  witness  the  discharge, 


* Lempri&re’s  Mexico,  1861-2,  p.  103. 
f Thompson’s  Mexico,  p.  114. 


106 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


at  mid-day,  of  a large  amount  of  fireworks  in  honor  of  the 
most  blessed  Virgin  Mary.” 

“ It  is  impossible,”  says  Brantz  Mayer,  in  his  description 
of  the  religious  exercises  of  “ Holv  Week”  in  Mexico, 
“ to  trace  many  of  the  old  customs  of  the  church  in  a coun- 
try where  the  ritual  is  often  made  up  of  so  many  fantastic 
notions,  except  by  supposing  that  the  idea  of  the  original 
founders  was  to  attract  the  Indians,  by  as  many  new  devi- 
ces as  they  could  engraft  upon  their  regular  services.  * * 
The  ritual  is  neither  civilized  nor  intellectual.  The  show 
is  tasteless  and  barbaric.  The  altars  display  a jumble  of 
jewelry,  sacred  vessels,  and  utensils  of  the  precious  metals, 
mixed  up  with  glass,  through  which  is  reflected  the  tints 
of  colored  water,  and  the  whole  overlaid  with  fruits  and 
flowers.  It  is  a mixture  of  the  church  and  the  apothecary 
shop.”  * 

street  pro-  “ The  city  of  Puebla  is  full  of  pagodas,  full  of 
high  officiating  Pagans,  such  as  bishops,  priests, 
friars,  monks,  and  Jesuits ; full  of  pictures  and  images, 
outside  as  well  as  inside  the  pagodas.  The  ceremony  of 
taking  off  hats  in  the  streets  of  Puebla  is  carried  on  to  a 
ludicrous  extent.  The  people  take  otf  their  hats  whenever 
they  meet  bishop,  padre,  monk,  friar,  or  Jesuit ; whenever 
they  pass  an  image,  either  in  paint,  plaster,  or  wax  ; and 
whenever  the  bell  indicates  that  some  particular  performance 
is  going  on  in  the  pagodas.  I made  a calculation,”  says 
an  eye-witness,  “ that  a pagan  devotee  at  Puebla,  in  pass- 
ing through  the  streets,  takes  off  his  hat  to  bishop,  padre, 
friar,  monk,  Jesuit,  picture,  statue,  or  bell,  on  the  average 
of  at  least  once  in  every  two  minutes,  or  thirty  times  per 
hour,  giving  to  one  whose  occupation  requires  him  to  be 


* Mayer’s  Mexico,  p.  149. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


107 


in  the  streets,  say  eight  hours  per  day,  two  hundred  and 
forty  opportunities  to  uncover.”  * 

sale  of  indui-  “ On  a day  of  religious  festival  (the  anniver- 
gences'  sary  of  Saint  Francisco,)  I have  seen,”  says  a 

traveller,  “ stuck  up  on  the  door  of  the  church  of  San 
Francisco,  one  of  the  largest  and  most  magnificent  in  Mex- 
ico, a small  advertisement  of  which  the  following  was  the 
substance : 

“ His  Holiness  the  Pope  (and  certain  bishops  which 
were  named)  have  granted  thirty-two  thousand  three 
hundred  years,  ten  days,  and  six  hours  of  indulgence  for 
this  mass. 

“ I do  not  remember  exactly  the  number  of  years,  days, 
and  hours,  but  I positively  assert  that  it  specified  the 
number  of  each,  and  I believe  that  I have  stated  them  cor- 
rectly. The  manifest  object  of  this  minute  particularity  is, 
to  secure  the  more  effectual  belief  in  the  imposture.  By 
thus  giving  to  it  the  air  of  a business  transaction,  a sort 
of  contract  is  established  between  the  devotee  and  the  Al- 
mighty, by  his  authorized  agent  and  vice-gerent  on  earth, 
the  Pope, — a contract  the  more  binding  in  its  character, 
because  the  receipt  of  the  consideration  is  acknowledged. 
I tremble  at  the  apparent  blasphemy  of  even  describing 
such  things.” 


character  of  “The  Mexican  church,  as  a church,”  says 
Fempriere,  “fills  no  mission  of  virtue,  no  mission 
of  morality,  no  mission  of  mercy,  no  mission  of  charity. 
Virtue  cannot  exist  in  its  pestiferous  atmosphere.  The 
code  of  morality  does  not  come  within  its  practice.  It 
knows  no  mercy,  and  no  emotion  of  charity  ever  nerves 
the  stony  heart  of  that  priesthood,  which,  with  an  avarice 
that  has  no  limit,  filches  the  last  penny  from  the  diseased 


* Dunbar’s  Mexican  Papers. 


108 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


and  dying  beggar ; plunders  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
their  substance,  as  Avell  as  their  virtue  ; and  casts  such  a 
horoscope  of  horrors  around  the  death-bed  of  the  dying 
millionaire,  that  the  poor  superstitious  wretch  is  glad  to 
purchase  a chance  for  the  safety  of  his  soul,  by  making 
the  Church  the  heir  to  his  treasures.” 

“ I have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  the  Priests  in 
Mexico  are  the  lowest  order  of  pretended  intellectual  be- 
ings I ever  saw ; and  the  stories  of  their  personal  conduct 
will  not  bear  repeating.” 

The  hope  of  “ It  is  only  necessary  to  point  to  the  universal 
ruin  and  misery  its  ride  has  brought  upon  the 
country  and  the  people.  What  nation  on  earth,  I ask, 
could  live  under  such  a horrible  incubus  as  this  ? The 
Mexican  church  always  has  been,  and  so  long  as  it  exists, 
always  will  be,  the  great  element  of  evil  in  Mexico,  and 
there  will  be  no  peace,  prosperity,  or  progress  in  the  coun- 
try,  until  this  church  is  overthrown  and  totally  destroyed, 
root  and  branch.” 


PART  IV. 


PARTIES  AND  ACTORS  IN  THE  REVOLUTIONS  IN  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BENITO  JUAREZ. 

Juarez  and  his  We  have  now  reached  a point  in  the  history, 
m which  .Benito  Juarez  appears  upon  the  stage. 
He  has  been  one  of  that  noble  band  of  Mexican  patriots 
who,  in  the  times  in  their  country  that  “ tried  men's  souls,'1 
have  stood  faithful  to  the  principles  of  freedom.  What- 
ever may  be  the  final  issue  of  their  conflict,  posterity  will 
enrol  their  names  among  the  liberators  and  benefactors  of 
their  country  and  of  mankind. 

The  true  character  of  Juarez  cannot  be  understood  or 
appreciated  until  the  history  of  Mexico,  in  this  its  second 
war  of  independence,  shall  have  recorded  the  principles 
and  acts  of  his  life -and  administration.  He  has  been  so 
intimately  associated  with  the  principal  actors  in  the 
scenes  of  the  last  forty  years,  and  has  been  so  identified 
with  all  the  great  decisive  issues  and  events,  that  a sketch 
of  his  life  is  almost  indispensable  to  a correct  understand- 
ing of  the  conflict,  and  must  introduce  to  our  view  his 
noble  compatriots,  perhaps  not  less  illustrious,  but  less 
known.  He  seems  to  have  been  raised  up,  like  Wash- 
ington, for  the  part  devolved  upon  him  in  the  great  strug- 
gle, the  life-throes  of  his  country.  The  condition  of  Mex- 
ico, his  personal  virtues,  his  persistent  devotion  to  the 


110 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


welfare  and  honor  of  his  countrymen,  and  his  unwavering 
fidelity  to  the  great  ideas  and  fundamental  principles  of 
republicanism,  and  of  the  “ inalienable  rights  ” of  man, 
have  fixed  all  eyes  in  North  and  South  America,  and  in 
Europe,  upon  him.  A better  knowledge  of  his  life  and 
character,  acts  and  aims,  will  draw  more  closely  the  bonds 
of  sympathy  and  friendship  that  should  exist  between  the 
Republic  of  the  United  States  and  that  of  Mexico,  and 
indeed  among  the  whole  family  of  American  Republics. 

The  following  biographical  sketch  is  substantially  a 
translation  of  a Spanish  work  published  in  18G6.  There 
has  been  some  re-arrangement  of  the  material  and  modi- 
fication of  forms  of  expression,  for  the  sake  of  brevity 
and  perspicuity  in  a translation  from  another  language. 
The  facts  are  a faithful  transcript  of  the  original.  An 
account  of  its  origin,  and  an  authentic  verification  of  its 
correctness  and  reliability,  will  appear  at  the  close. 

BIRTH  AND  EARLY  LIFE  OF  JUAREZ 1806-1819. 

Birth  and  Benito  Juarez,  a pure  descendant  of  the  Zapo- 
teca  native  stock,  was  born  in  the  small  village  of 
San  Pablo  Guelatao,  in  the  state  of  Oajaca,  on  the  21st 
of  March,  1806. 

The  following  statements  respecting  his  history  are 
“ verified  by  one  who  was  born  in  the  same  State,  lived 
for  some  years  in  the  same  place,  pursued  his  studies  for 
the  legal  profession  in  the  same  school  where  Juarez  was 
professor ; and  was  also  his  fellow  traveller  from  Janu- 
ary, 1857,  to  December,  1859 — one  who  has  been  an  eye- 
witness of  many  of  the  most  important  incidents  in  his 
life,  and  has  full  knowledge  of  the  others  here  recorded, 
and  has  had  every  opportunity  to  understand  and  appre- 
ciate his  character,  aspirations,  and  aims.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Ill 


The  “ Book  of  Baptisms  ” of  the  parish  church 
his  Baptism.  Santo  Thomas  Ixtlan  contains  the  record  of 
the  baptism  in  due  form  of  law,  of  Benito  Pablo,  son  of 
Marcellino  Juarez  and  Brigida  Garcia  ; together  with  the 
names  of  his  paternal  ancestors,  Pedro  Juarez  and  Justa 
Lopez  ; his  maternal  ancestors,  Pablo  Garcia  and  Maria 
Garcia  ; and  his  god-mother  on  the  occasion,  Francesca 
Garcia,  “ she  being  duly  informed  of  her  obligations  and 
spiritual  parentage.” 

The  parents  of  Benito  were  in  humble  life, 
His  Parentage.  p0ssessing  simple  habits  and  slender  means  of 

the  peasants  and  herdsmen  of  his  native  village,  and  were 
quite  unable  to  educate  their  son.  He  lived  at  home  until 
the  death  of  his  father,  which  occurred  at  a very  early 
age.  He  was  then  taken  under  the  care  of  an  uncle,  with 
whom  he  remained  until  twelve  years  of  age,  when  he 
could  neither  read,  write,  nor  speak  the  Spanish  language 
correctly. 

Many  of  the  youth  in  the  mountains  of 

Early  youth.  . J J . 

Oajaca  had  been  accustomed  to  hnd  their  way, 
in  various  capacities,  to  the  city  of  Oajaca,  and  to  engage 
in  offices  of  domestic  service,  in  return  for  their  support 
and  the  privileges  of  elementary  education.  Young  Be- 
nito had  long  been  impressed  with  the  superior  advantages 
and  prospects  thus  secured  by  many  of  his  acquaintances, 
poorer  even  than  himself;  and  finally,  in  1818,  resolved 
to  follow  their  example.  Animated  by  the  spirit  and 
nerved  by  the  energy  which  has  shaped  his  whole  subse- 
quent life,  he  decided  to  leave  his  uncle  and  seek  an  edu- 
cation in  the  city.  He  was  received,  at  first,  by  a sister 
residing  there ; but  soon  found  a situation,  under  the  care 
and  instruction  of  Don  Joaquin  Salaneuva,  a gentleman 
engaged  in  some  ecclesiastical  duties,  with  which  he  com- 


112 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


bined  the  work  of  education.  With  him  young  Juarez 
learned  to  read  and  to  write,  and  the  first  rudiments  of 
arithmetic  and  of  Spanish  grammar. 

HIS  ACADEMIC  EDUCATION 1819-1826. 


Early  educa- 
tion. 


The  instructions,  example,  and  influence  of 
Senor  Salaneuva,  during  the  preliminary  educa- 
tion of  his  pupil,  established  him  in  firm  principles  of 
morality  and  virtue,  and  have  developed  a character  that 
has  made  the  name  of  Juarez,  a proverbial  synonym  for 
honesty. 

At  this  age  Senor  Salaneuva  took  care  to  place  him  as 
a day-scholar  at  the  ecclesiastical  seminary,  the  only  estab- 
lishment for  higher  education  in  Oajaca.  In  1819  he 
began  the  study  of  the  Latin  language;  and  in  1822,  a 
course  of  philosophy,  completing  both  in  1825.  The  suc- 
cessive examinations  which  he  passed  during  this  period, 
gave  marked  indications  of  his  intelligence  and  profi- 
ciency. 

HIS  PROFESSIONAL  STUDIES — A THEOLOGICAL  COURSE — 1826. 


Professional 

studies. 


The  time  having  arrived  for  entering  upon  the 
study  of  special  science,  Senor  Salaneuva,  su- 
premely devoted  to  bis  own  peculiar  views,  determined 
that  young  Juarez  should  adopt  an  ecclesiastical  career. 
He  was  therefore  required,  during  the  year  1826,  to  apply 
himself  to  the  study  of  Theology,  with  two  of  his  compan- 
ions, Don  Isadora  Sanchez  and  Don  Francisco  Parra, 
both  of  whom  were  subsequently  duly  ordained,  and  be- 
came curates  in  the  Diocese  of  Oajaca.  Thus  the  foun- 
dation of  the  professional  studies  of  Juarez,  and  of  his 
mental  training  in  the  higher  life  of  a scholar,  was  laid  in 
the  study  of  Theology  at  the  first  seminary  of  his  native 
State. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


113 


His  study  of 
Law. 


Affairs  iu 
Mexico. 


In  order  to  understand  the  considerations  and 
influences  which  led  Juarez  to  change  his  pro- 
fession, to  enter  upon  the  study  of  Law,  and  to  give  an- 
other direction  to  the  current  of  his  life,  it  is  necessary  to 
consider  the  condition  and  circumstances  of  Mexico  and 
of  Mexican  institutions  at  the  time. 

For  more  than  350  years,  his  native  land,  and  his  own 
people,  a wronged  and  injured  race,  had  been  bleeding 
under  “ the  iron  heel,”  subject  to  as  absolute  and  inexor- 
able a despotism,  political,  ecclesiastical,  and  social,  as  any 
portion  of  this  world  has  ever  suffered.  A score  of  the 
best  historians  of  Christendom  attest  this.  The  whole  con- 
stitution and  fabric  of  society  had  been  shaped  and  molded 
by  ten  generations  of  oppressors. 

The  state  of  all  political,  civil,  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs  in  Mexico,  consolidated  by  successive 
administrations  since  the  conquest  into  a gigantic  system 
of  oppression,  gave  rise,  at  the  date  of  independence  in 
1821,  to  two  great  parties  of  totally  different  principles 
and  interests.  The  one  representing  the  monarchical, 
ecclesiastical,  aristocratic,  and  despotic  elements,  which, 
though  broken  off  from  the  mother  country  and  trans- 
planted in  Mexican  soil,  were  no  less  determined  and  ex- 
acting in  their  assumptions  and  claims.  The  other  repre- 
senting the  party  of  “ equal  rights  for  all  men,”  of  univer- 
sal freedom  in  the  exercise  of  “ man’s  inalienable  rights;” 
the  party  of  human  “ progress,”  of  the  “ reform  of  abuses,” 
of  “ freedom  of  conscience,  of  opinion,  of  speech,  of  wor- 
ship, of  the  press ;”  the  party,  also,  of  “ universal  educa- 
tion.” 

The  same  conflict  which  for  generations  had 
convulsed  the  States  of  Europe  was  repeating 
itself  in  the  independent  colonies  of  Spain,  on  a smaller 


The  conflict  of 
ages. 


114 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


scale  it  is  true,  but  intensified  to  an  appalling  degree  by 
the  very  helplessness  of  one  party,  and  the  irresistible  and 
relentless  power  of  the  other.  The  almost  incredible  igno- 
rance, superstition,  mummeries,  and  inquisitorial  oppres- 
sion of  the  dominant  party  “ fired  the  Mexican  heart.” 
A band  of  patriots  arose,  like  the  fathers  of  our  Re- 
public, resolved,  under  the  pledge  of  “ life,  fortune,  and 
sacred  honor,”  to  resist  a despotism  that  had  become  abso- 
lutely intolerable,  and  to  assert  and  maintain  the  “ ina- 
lienable rights  ” of  Mexicans. 


This  conflict  entered  into  all  the  ramifications  of  Mexi- 
can society,  but  was  particularly  intense  and  violent 
among  the  more  intelligent  and  cultivated  classes. 

Young  Juarez  was  among  the  first  to  take  ground,  de- 
fine his  position,  declare  his  choice,  and  begin  an  inde- 
pendent career. 

The  seminary  The  Ecclesiastical  Seminary  of  Oajaca  was 
the  right  arm  of  the  clerical  and  monarchical 
party.  M.  Ramirez,  its  director,  belonged  to  an  aristo- 
cratic family,  was  Prebendary  of  the  cathedral,  and  from 
his  social  position  and  energy  of  character  was  a promi- 
nent leader.  In  his  hands  the  seminary  was  forming  the 
principles  of  the  most  select  and  promising  youth  of  the 
State,  who  were  preparing  for  the  profession  of  Law — a 
profession  which  then  demanded  large  accessions  to  meet 
the  business  wants  of  the  country,  in  consequence  of  its 
independence. 

There  were  only  three  universities,  that  of  Mexico,  of 
Guadalajara,  and  of  Yucatan,  where  students  could  pur- 
sue this  study ; and  an  effort  was  made  to  engraft  upon 
the  Ecclesiastical  Seminary  of  Oajaca,  a professorship  of 
Law,  to  accommodate  the  students  of  the  State.  The  plan, 
however,  met  with  such  determined  opposition  from  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


115 


Principal  of  the  seminary,  M.  Ramirez,  that  the  only  re- 
source was  the  establishment  of  private  Law  Schools,  at 
the  houses  of  eminent  members  of  the  profession. 

The  institute  In  1826,  the  Legislature  of  the  State  estab- 
lished the  “ Institute  of  Arts  and  Sciences  of 
Oajaca.”  The  clerical  party  immediately  declared  war 
upon  it,  and  the  two  institutions,  the  “ Seminary  ” and  the 
“ Institute,”  soon  became  respectively,  the  exponents  and 
defenders  of  the  principles  of  the  two  great  parties. 

The  Legislature  had  appointed  to  the  head  of  the 
“ Institute,”  a Dominician  Friar,  the  Reverend  Doctor  and 
Father,  Francisco  Aparaco,  a man  of  great  ability  and  a 
warm  friend  of  the  rising  generation.  Notwithstanding 
his  ecclesiastical  associations,  he  was  far  in  advance  of  his 
order  and  the  times,  in  enlightened  and  liberal  views. 
Sustained  by  the  Government  and  citizens  of  influence, 
he  maintained  the  cause  of  the  Institute  in  the  party 
contest  which  ensued  between  the  two  literary  establish- 
ments. 

The ciergy  and  The  clergy,  in  a body,  as  a matter  of  course 
the  seminary.  sjc|eg  wj(-]1  t]ie  “ Seminary,”  and  denounced 

the  “ Institute  ” as  a focus  of  revolution  and  heresy.  The 
“ Institute  ” sought  to  win,  and  did  win,  the  most  intelli- 
gent of  the  students  of  the  “ Seminary,”  by  presenting  at 
their  public  examinations,  all  the  magnificent  panorama 
of  modern  culture,  and  emulated  the  highest  attainments 
of  the  age  in  every  possible  way.  The  liberal  and  gener- 
ous ideas  of  modern  civilization  began  to  penetrate  within 
the  walls  of  the  “ Seminary.”  Its  most  distinguished 
members  and  alumni  began  to  perceive  a more  extended 
and  beautiful  horizon  of  professional  aims  and  national 
aspirations,  than  the  narrow,  exclusive,  and  intolerant 
policy  of  the  clergy  would  permit.  Students  began  to 


116 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


abandon  the  Seminary,  and  were  received  with  open  arms 
within  the  walls  of  the  Institute. 

Among  the  first  of  these  was  the  intimate  friend  of  Be- 
nito Juarez,  Don  Miguel  Mendez,  a bright  and  promising 
youth  of  pure  Indian  race,  of  talent  and  character  excelling 
all  his  companions,  and  whose  friendship  and  early  death 
made  a profound  impression  upon  Juarez.  A friendship 
thus  formed  and  broken,  and  the  influence  of  other  com- 
panions who  passed  from  the  Seminary  to  the  Institute, 
embracing  the  modern  principles  of  reform,  had  doubtless 
much  to  do  with  the  determination  of  Juarez  to  renounce 
the  ecclesiastical,  and  enter  upon  a legal  and  national  career. 


HIS  COURSE  IN  THE  STUDY  AND  IN  THE  PROFESSION  OF  LAW — 1827-8. 


Juarez  a stu-  Juarez  having  entered  upon  the  study  of  law, 

pursued  the  various  courses  with  unremitting  ap- 
plication. In  1829  he  filled  the  chair  of  Natural  Philoso- 
phy in  the  Institute.  - In  1832,  having  passed  the  required 
examination,  he  received  the  diploma  of  Baehelor-in-Law  ; 
and  on  the  13th  of  January,  1834.  after  passing  all  the 
prescribed  examinations,  he  received  the  title  of  “ Attor- 
ney of  the  Courts  of  the  Republic.” 

The  two  literary  establishments  of  Oajaca  had  now 
become  the  centres  of  the  controlling  political  parties 
of  the  Nation — the  Seminary,  that  of  the  ;c  old  regime  ; ” 
and  the  Institute,  that  of  the  radical,  liberal  party. 

His  principles  It  has  been  said  of  Benito  Juarez,  that  in  en- 

and  his  career.  , • i • c ’ 1 1 • o l i 

tenng  upon  his  professional  life  under  such  con- 
ditions, in  his  native  State  and  country,  he  began  his 
career  by  forming  a proper  estimate  of  his  own  abilities, 
by  establishing  firm  convictions  of  individual  rights  and 
of  national  policy,  and  that  through  all  his  subsequent 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


117 


course  he  has  never  swerved  from  his  convictions,  nor 
abandoned  the  principles  of  the  liberal  party. 

The  general  elections  of  1828  were,  in  Oajaca,  as  also 
throughout  the  Republic,  the  most  warmly  contested  of 
those  that  have  ever  been  held  in  the  country.  Pedraza 
and  Guerrero  were  the  contending  candidates  for  the  Pres- 
idency ; the  former,  the  leader  of  the  moderate  party,  and 
the  latter,  the  candidate  of  the  most  radical,  liberal  party. 

The  whole  of  the  Iturbide  party,  and  the  conservatives 
generally  united  in  the  support  of  Pedraza,  for  although 
he  did  not  agree  with  their  views,  they  deemed  it  neces- 
sary to  triumph  over  Guerrero.  The  contest  was  a terrible 
one,  and  in  Oajaca,  in  order  to  defeat  the  liberal  party, 
the  authorities  terminated  it  by  force  of  arms.  The  In- 
stitute took  a very  active  part  in  this  contest,  as  did  also 
Juarez,  one  of  its  alumni.  The  part  he  took  in  this  can- 
vass has  been  styled  his  “ political  baptism.” 

Shortly  after  this,  in  1831,  Juarez  was  popularly 
elected  an  Alderman  of  the  City  Council  of  Oajaca,  and  in 
1832,  a Deputy  to  the  Legislature  of  the  State,  which 
held  its  sessions  in  1833  and  1834. 

In  183G,  he  was  imprisoned  for  some  months,  on  sus- 
picion of  complicity  with  the  unsuccessful  revolution  in- 
augurated in  that  year,  for  the  overthrow  of  the  conserva- 
tive party,  which  had  been  in  power  since  1831. 

Treasury  Judge  In  1842,  he  was  appointed  Civil  Judge  in  the 

and  Secretary  J.  J-  o 

of  state.  Ireasury  for  three  years.  In  1845,  General  Leon, 
having  effected  a compromise  with  the  liberal  party,  which 
had  nearly  triumphed  in  the  revolution  of  Dec.  6th,  1844, 
appointed  J uarez  Secretary  of  State  of  the  State  of  Oajaca. 
But  the  despotic  ideas  and  acts  of  Leon  could  not  harmon- 
ize with  the  liberal  principles  of  Juarez,  and  he  remained 
in  this  office  but  a few  months.  He  was  then  appointed 


118 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


State  Attorney  for  the  Superior  Court  of  Justice,  a posi- 
tion which  he  occupied  until  the  imperious  plan  of  Gene- 
ral Paredes  was  inaugurated,  at  the  close  of  1845. 

The  Revolution  While  these  events  were  transpiring  in  the 
capital,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  ano- 
ther revolution  took  place,  and  in  August,  1846,  was  suc- 
cessful. Oajaca,  the  native  state  of  Juarez,  ever  loyal  to 
republicanism,  declared,  in  view  of  the  conspiracy  and 
monarchical  scheme  inaugurated  by  Paredes  and  the 
Church  party,  that  it  was  a necessity  for  the  State  to  re- 
assume its  sovereignty.  An  assembly  of  “ notables  ” was 
summoned,  entitled  the  “Legislative  Assembly,”  which 
placed  the  executive  power  of  the  state  in  the  hands  of  a 
triumvirate,  composed  of  Senors  Fernandez , del  Campo, 
Arteaga,  and  Juarez. 

Risinginflu-  From  this  time  public  attention  was  strongly 
ence  of  Juarez,  (jjrecf.ecj  £0  ^he  rising  character  of  Juarez.  The 

first  of  the  triumvirates  had  belonged  successively  to  all 
the  parties.  Juarez  had  ever  shown  that  strength  of  char- 
acter, soundness  of  judgment,  tact  in  decisions,  firmness 
of  political  principles,  and  more  than  all,  honesty  above 
reproach,  that  the  times  demanded.  It  was  becoming 
manifest  that  he  was  a man  marked  out  for  the  service  of 
his  people  and  his  country. 

The  administration  of  the  triumvirate  was  of 
short  duration.  The  Legislative  Assembly  the 
same  month,  August,  1846,  decreed  that  the  State  of 
Oajaca  should  be  governed  by  the  Federal  Constitution 
of  1824.  In  accordance  therewith,  an  election  for  Gov- 
ernor was  held,  which  resulted  in  favor  of  Arteaga. 
Shortly  after  this,  Juarez  was  elected  by  the  people  a 
Deputy  to  the  General  Constituent  Congress,  to  assemble 
at  the  capital  of  the  Republic  in  December,  1846. 


The  Trium- 
virate. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


119 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  DECEMBER,  1846. 

war  with  the  On  the  6th  December,  1846,  the  new,  sove- 
united States'  reign  constituent  Congress  of  the  nation  assem- 
bled  in  the  Capital.  It  was  both  a constituent  and  a leg- 
islative body.  The  first  and  all-absorbing  business  was, 
to  procure  resources  to  carry  on  the  war,  then  pending 
with  the  United  States.  General  Santa  Anna,  the  Pres- 
ident elect  of  the  Republic,  was  absent  in  the  field,  at  An- 
gostura, contending  with  the  forces  of  the  Americans. 
The  citizen, Valentin  Gomez  Farias,  filed  the  presidential 
chair.  He  was  one  of  the  earliest,  most  constant,  and 
time-honored  liberal-reformists  which  the  country  had 
known.  He  brought  forward  in  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties, as  the  only  means  of  supplying  the  indispensable 
necessities  of  the  nation,  the  bill  for  a loan  of  fourteen 
millions  of  dollars,  to  be  raised  upon  the  property  of  the 
clergy,  and,  in  the  event  of  the  impossibility  of  the  nego- 
tiation of  a loan,  then  the  sale  of  said  property,  until  the 
.requisite  amount  should  be  obtained. 

There  were  three  parties  in  the  Congress. 
1.  That  of  the  “old  regime,”  the  clerical  and 
monarchical  interest,  a small  minority  headed  by  Otero. 
2.  The  radical  republican  party,  with  Rejon,  Ramirez, 
and  Juarez  as  their  leaders.  3.  The  moderates,  who  were 
well  and  strongly  represented.  But  they  united  with  the 
“ old  regime,”  in  contending  against  the  radical  party  and 
the  new  measure  sustained  by  Farias.  The  monarchists 
and  the  moderates  fiercely  attacked  the  law.  The  repub- 
licans sustained  it,  as  a necessity.  After  a masterly  and 
brilliant  discussion,  long  to  be  remembered  in  the  annals 
of  Mexico,  the  bill  passed  by  a small  majority.  The 
power  and  eloquence  with  which  Rejon,  Ramirez,  and 


Parties  in  Con 
gress. 


120 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  Clergy. 


Congress 


Juarez  supported  the  measure,  it  has  been  said,  would 
have  attracted  universal  attention,  had  not  the  echoes  of 
their  thrilling  and  patriotic  appeals,  been  silenced  by  the 
thunders  of  foreign  guns,  reverberating  along  the  shores 
of  both  the  Gulf  and  of  the  Pacific. 

The  clergy  and  the  party  of  the  “ old  regime,” 
having  failed  in  their  opposition  to  the  law  in 
caused  u pronunciamentos  ” against  it  to  be 
made  throughout  the  land  ; and  even  in  the  very  capital 
itself  one  occurred  which  was  named  that  of  the  “ Polk 
party.” 

These  insurrections  terminated  only  upon  the  return 
of  Santa  Anna,  who  at  once  compromised  with  the 
“ church  party,”  the  same  body  of  men  that  shortly  after- 
wards received  the  foreign  invaders  at  Puebla  with  all 
the  pomp  and  ceremony  of  ecclesiastical  welcome. 

Congress,  not  long  after,  issued  its  act  for  the 
reform  of  the  Constitution  of  1824.  General 
Santa  Anna  then  dissolved  the  Congress,  and  prohibited 
all  resources  to  its  members.  The  revolutionary  clergy 
had  seized  upon  all  the  public  offices  in  Oajaca  as  early 
as  February  15th,  1847.  Juarez  and  his  friends  had 
received  orders  to  re-establish  the  lawful  authorities  there, 
but  through  various  pretexts  these  had  all  been  frus- 
trated. 

On  the  23d  of  October,  1847,  Juarez  having 
arrived  in  Oajaca,  a local  revolution  took  place, 
and  the  lawful  order  of  things  Avas  finally  re-established. 
The  first  step  of  the  Legislature  Avas  to  accept  the  resig- 
nation of  Arteaga,  which  he  had  tendered  in  anticipation  ; 
and  Juarez,  in  his  stead,  Avas  appointed  Constitutional 
Governor  of  the  State.  He  entered  upon  his  administra- 
tion in  November,  1847,  and  continued  until  the  expira- 


Santa  Anna’s 
Dictation. 


Revolution  in 
Oajaca. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


121 


tion  of  the  term  for  which  Arteaga  had  been  elected, 
August  12th,  1849.  Juarez  was  then  re-elected  Governor 
for  the  term  of  three  years,  until  August  12th,  1852.  He 
then  retired  from  this  position,  the  laws  of  the  State  not 
admitting-  a re-election,  which  he  would  otherwise  doubt- 
less  have  received. 

JUAREZ  GOVERNOR  OF  OAJACA. — 1847. 

Governor  of  During  these  five  years  of  his  Governorship, 
Juarez  began  to  acquire  the  reputation  of  a re- 
markable man,  and  became  known  throughout  the  whole 
Republic.  The  State  of  Oajaca,  during  the  civil  commo- 
tions of  the  country,  had  shared  the  same  fate  as  the  rest 
of  the  nation.  There  was  no  administration  of  justice ; 
there  were  no  soldiers  ; there  was  no  treasury  ; and  in  the 
midst  of  this  state  of  chaos,  the  confusion  was  increased 
by  the  loss  the  State  had  suffered  on  the  8th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1847.  The  jirave  General  Leon  and  his  division  had 
been  defeated  in  the  battle  of  Molino  del  Rey,  fought 
against  the  Americans  on  that  day. 

Energy  of  Gov-  Governor  Juarez  began  immediately  to  retrieve 
emor  Juarez.  dusters,  and  determined,  together  with  his 

fellow-citizens  of  Oajaca,  to  continue  the  war.  He  set  up 
a foundry,  which  in  a short  time  produced  a battery  and 
the  necessary  munitions. 

About  the  same  time  General  Santa  Anna  appeared 
on  the  frontiers  of  the  State,  and  under  the  pretext  that 
he  would  continue  the  war  against  the  United  States, 
demanded  that  the  command  should  be  delivered  to  him.  * 
He  had  just  abandoned  the  command  of  the  army  which 
he  had  so  badly  directed.  He  had,  in  fact,  abandoned  the 

* See  a correction  of  this  statement  in  the  letter  of  President 
Juarez,  page  158. 


122 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Presidency.  The  entire  nation  had  accused  him,  to  say 
the  least,  of  incapacity,  and  the  State  of  Oajaca  could  do 
no  less  than  to  forbid  his  entrance  within  its  territory. 
Governor  Juarez  carried  this  into  execution,  and  thus  gave 
occasion  for  that  deep,  implacable  hatred  which  Santa 
Anna  has  harbored  towards  him  ever  since.  Subsequent- 
ly to  these  events,  the  moderate  party  brought  about  a 
peace  with  the  United  States,  and  Juarez  at  once  applied 
himself  to  the  interior  re-organization  of  his  native  State. 

During  the  five  years  of  his  gubernatorial  term, 


Official  acts  of 
Juarez. 


all  the  different  branches  of  the  government  were 
subject  to  his  watchful  attention  and  care.  Every  de- 
partment was  either  re-organized,  or  reformed  and  amelior- 
ated. By  his  systematic  and  energetic  measures,  the 
contingent  required  by  the  federal  government  from  the 
State  of  Oajaca,  was  always  paid  with  punctuality ; the 
civil  and  military  disbursements  were  invariably  met ; 
and  the  State  debt,  which  for  eighteen  years  had  been  con- 
siderably increased,  was  completely  settled  and  extinguish- 
ed. On  his  retirement  from  the  office,  he  left  a balance  of 
fifty  thousand  dollars  in  cash  in  the  treasury  of  the  State. 
By  such  results  of  this  administration,  Governor  Juarez 
acquired  a high  reputation,  and  became  known  throughout 
the  nation  ; and  Oajaca  received  the  well-merited  appel- 
lation of  the  model  State  of  the  Republic. 


Retirement  of 
Juarez. 


JUAREZ  IN  PRIVATE  LIFE. 1852. 

On  his  withdrawal  from  office,  in  August^ 
1852,  Juarez  resumed  the  duties  of  a private  cit- 
izen, with  the  single  honorary  employment  of  Director 
of  the  Institute  of  Sciences.  He  immediately  opened  his 
office,  and  commenced  the  practice  of  law  for  his  support, 
being  then  as  poor,  as  modest,  and  as  honored  as  when,  five 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


123 


Plan  of  Gua- 
dalajara. 


years  before,  be  bad  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  tbe 
duties  of  tbe  highest  office  of  tbe  State.  He  was,  however, 
to  enjoy  this  repose  but  a few  months. 

The  revolution,  known  by  the  name  of  the 
“ Plan  of  Guadalajara,”  was  successful  in  the 
Capital  of  the  Republic  in  January,  1853  ; and  in  Febru- 
ary following  triumphed  in  Oajaca.  General  Santa  Anna, 
having  been  recalled  by  the  revolutionists,  arrived  at  the 
City  of  Mexico  in  the  month  of  April.  A few  days  after, 
he  directed  that  Juarez  should  be  torn  from  his  domicil. 
On  the  30th  of  May,  1853,  Juarez  was  at  Etta,  a town 
some  four  leagues  from  Oajaca,  on  the  road  to  the  City 
of  Mexico.  While  engaged  in  the  very  act  of  pleading  as 
an  advocate,  before  the  Court  of  that  place,  he  was  seized 
as  a prisoner,  and  without  being  permitted  even  to  take 
leave  of  his  family,  was  hurried  to  Puebla,  and  finally  from 
thence  sent  to  be  imprisoned  at  Jalapa. 

A few  months  afterwards  he  was  ordered  to 
change  his  residence,  and  notified  to  proceed  to 
Huamantla.  He  set  out  at  once,  and  arrived  at  Puebla. 
On  the  following  night,  while  paying  a visit  at  the  house 
of  a friend,  he  was  forcibly  seized  by  the  son  of  Santa 
Anna  (Joseph,)  thrust  into  a carriage,  and  without  being 
permitted  to  take  any  baggage  or  money,  or  to  have  any 
communication  "with  any  one,  was  driven  sixty  leagues, 
and  finally  set  dowrn  on  the  wharf  at  Vera  Cruz.  Thence 
he  was  transferred  to  a filthy  prison-cell  in  the  castle  of 
San  Juan  de  Uloa. 

Three  or  four  days  afterwards  he  was  shipped 
on  board  a British  steam-packet.  His  passage 
-was  not  paid,  and  he  was  not  permitted  to  procure  for 
himself  the  indispensable  means  for  an  indefinite  voyage 
to  some  foreign  land.  He  found,  however,  on  board  the 


Juarez  a pris- 
oner. 


Juarez  in 
exile. 


124 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


packet,  some  friends  not  unmindful  of  liis  distresses,  and 
some  means  which,  though  scant}7,  were  sufficient  to  enable 
him  to  defray  his  expenses  to  the  city  of  Havana,  and 
from  thence  to  New  Orleans. 

In  this  city  he  was  enabled  to  maintain  himself,  with 
such  means  as  his  Avife  could  transmit  to  him,  sacrificing 
in  her  devotion,  her  patrimonial  estate.  In  July,  18o5,  he 
left  NeAv  Orleans,  embarked  for  the  Isthmus,  crossed  at 
Panama,  and  landed  at  Acapulco.  Here  he  joined  Gene- 
ral Alvarez,  a\t1io  commanded  in  chief  the  forces  gathered 
to  defend  the  “ Plan  of  Ayutla  ” as  against  Santa  Anna. 
In  the  month  of  August  following  the  revolution  proved 
a complete  success.  Santa  Anna  AA'as  overthrown,  and 
escaped  to  a foreign  clime.  General  Alvarez  Avas  pro- 
claimed the  President  of  the  Republic  on  the  4th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1855,  and  immediately  appointed  Juarez  as  his 
Minister  of  Justice  and  ecclesiastical  affairs. 


Revolution  of 
Ayutla. 


JUAREZ  MINISTER  OF  JUSTICE 1855. 

The  revolution  of  Ayutla  had  assumed 
throughout  the  Republic  a character  which 
looked  to  radical  reforms  in  the  government ; because  the 
clergy  in  this  contest  had  made  every  possible  effort  to 
uphold  the  detested  dictatorship  of  Santa  Anna.  The 
feeling  of  the  entire  nation  on  the  subject  was  deep  and 
stron  <r.  The  revolution  had  been  successful,  but  the 
government  found  itself  face  to  face  Avitli  an  army  which, 
although  demoralized  by  the  state  of  dissolution  in  which 
its  leader  had  left  it,  was  still  sufficiently  to  be  feared  to 
prevent  the  liberal  party  from  feeling  itself  secure. 

From  the  formation  of  the  cabinet,  it  Avas  ap- 
parent that  its  existence  could  not  be  of  long 
duration.  It  Avas  composed  of  elements  too  heterogeneous 


The  Cabinet. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


125 


in  themselves.  In  the  person  of  General  Comonfort  him- 
self, there  was  an  insuperable  obstacle — Comonfort,  whose 
activity  and  prestige  had  been  principally  instrumental 
in  successfully  maintaining  the  “ Plan  of  Ayutla.”  But 
in  character,  and  in  political  opinions,  he  was  of  the 
moderate  party,  and  by  nature  and  position  opposed  to 
the  full  development  of  the  programme  of  the  liberal 
party. 


The  Patriot  The  advanced  age  of  the  well-deserving  Gene- 
ral Alvarez,  rendered  it  impossible  that  he 
should  possess  the  necessary  energy  to  decide  between  the 
powerful  and  opposing  influences  of  Comonfort  and  J uarez, 
and  those  of  Ocampo  and  Lafragua. 

Comonfort  wished  to  keep  up  the  army,  with  such 
changes  as  he  might  himself  adopt.  Juarez  and  Ocampo 
desired  to  do  away  with  the  army.  They  sought  “ the  gov- 
ernment of  the  people , by  the  people , for  the  people .” 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  almost  impossible  to 
bring  about  any  measure  favorable  to  the  liberal  party 
without  using  some  stratagem.  Juarez  understood  the 
situation,  and  prevailed  upon  President  Alvarez,  during 
the  absence  of  Comonfort  for  two  or  three  days  from  the 
capital,  to  sanction  the  famous  Law  of  the  22d  of  Novem- 
ber, 1 859,  ufor  the  Administration  of  Justice ,”  now  known 
as  “ The  Law  of  Juarez.'"* 

This  law  embodied  great  reforms  in  the  ad- 


The  Law  of 
Juarez. 


ministration  of  justice.  But  it  did  not,  in  these 
respects,  attract  attention.  The  opposition  it  awakened 
arose  from  the  fact  that  it  suppressed  the  privileged  and 
especial  tribunals  and  charters  of  the  clergy  and  the  army. 
It  was  a terrible  blow  to  the  retrograde  party,  which  had 


* See  a correction  of  this  statement,  in  the  letter  of  President 
Juarez,  page  157. 


126 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Popular  ap- 
proval. 


hitherto  been  upheld  by  the  support  of  these  two  power- 
ful engines.  Their  force  was  now  to  a certain  extent 
broken.  A mighty  power  was  deprived  of  the  asgis,  be- 
hind which  they  took  shelter  in  order  to  evade  the  “laws 
of  the  nation.” 

“ The  Juarez  Law”  met  the  approval  of  an 
immense  majority  in  the  Republic.  But  the  con- 
servative party  became  pledged  for  its  overthrow.  Comon- 
fort, displeased  with  the  Law  and  its  author,  did  what  he 
could  to  defeat  it.  He  entered  into  a compromise  with 
the  enemies  of  the  Government,  “ the  old  party,”  and 
availed  himself  of,  if  he  did  not  directly  promote,  various 
military  revolts  which  broke  out  on  the  promulgation  of 
the  Law  ; and  caused  the  venerable  Alvarez  to  sign  his 
own  abdication  of  the  high  position  he  held,  and  to  nomi- 
nate Comonfort  himself  as  his  successor,  President  substi- 
tute of  the  nation. 

The  “ Law  of  Justice,”  however,  continued  in 
' force,  because,  on  the  one  hand,  Comonfort  did 
not  dare  at  once  to  revoke  it ; and  on  the  other,  the  Con- 
stituent Congress  shortly  after  gave  it  sanction. 

Juarez,  as  would  naturally  be  supposed,  was  not  re- 
tained as  Minister  of  Justice.  Comonfort  appointed  him 
to  the  Governorship  of  the  State  of  Oajaca,  for  which  he 
at  once  set  out,  to  quell  military  outbreaks  then  occurring 
at  the  capital.  On  his  arrival,  however,  he  found  order 
re-established,  and  immediately  set  about  the  restoration 
of  the  public  administration. 


The  Law  of 
Justice. 


JUAREZ  A THIRD  TIME  GOVERNOR  OF  OAJACA. 

This  administration  of  Juarez  was  even  of 
more  substantial  benefit  to  the  State  than  that 
of  his  previous  terms.  He  developed  more  fully  the  ap- 


J uarez  thrice 
Governor. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


127 


plication  of  the  Democratic  system  throughout  the  State, 
reformed  and  ameliorated  the  system  of  public  instruction, 
and  re-established  again  the  Institute  of  Sciences,  which 
Santa  Anna  had  overthrown.  Through  the  influence  he 
possessed  over  the  Constituent  Legislature,  he  caused  it  to 
adopt,  in  the  Constitution  of  the  State,  a broader  munici- 
pal system,  and  also  the  principle  of  the  direct  suffrage 
of  all  the  citizens  in  the  election  of  their  Governor.  He 
re-organized  the  administrations  of  the  Treasury  and  of 
Justice,  secured  the  due  sanction  of  the  civil  and  crim- 
inal codes  of  laws,  and  restored  with  energy  and  cour- 
age, with  tact  and  prudence,  civil  order,  which  had  been 
twice  disturbed  at  Ixcapa  and  Tehuantepec. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1857,  he  was 
elected  constitutional  Governor  of  the  State  of 
Oajaca,  by  a direct  vote  of  112,000  of  its  inhabitants  ; and 
by  a large  majority  of  the  entire  Republic,  he  was  elected 
President  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Justice  of  the  Nation. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1857,  following,  public 
opinion  and  the  entire  liberal  press  of  the  country  com- 
pelled Comonfort  to  call  him  to  the  position  of  Minister 
of  Government.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  in  the  month 
of  November.  Shortly  after,  he  appeared  before  Congress 
to  ask  extraordinary  powers  for  the  Executive.  The 
liberal  party  had  never  had  confidence  in  the  liberal  ten- 
dencies of  Comonfort,  and  at  this  juncture  it  was  an- 
nounced and  considered  certain  that  he  meditated  a “ coup 
d'etatf1  There  was,  therefore,  a decided  opposition  in 
Congress  to  the  project  of  granting  the  extraordinary 
powers  solicited,  and  it  was  openly  said,  during  the  dis- 
cussion, that  they  were  finally  granted  only  because  of  the 
confidence  which  the  presence  of  Juarez  in  the  Cabinet  had 
inspired. 


128 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Defection  of 
Zuloaga. 


The  deputies  had  good  reason  indeed  for  their 
distrust,  as  the  result  proved.  General  Zuloaga, 
a personal  friend  of  Comonfort,  having  been  bought  over 
by  the  clergy,  with  the  consent  of  the  President,  pronoun- 
ced against  the  Government  on  the  17th  December,  1857. 
Comonfort  himself  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  revolt. 
J uarez,  as  soon  as  lie  heard  of  this  defection,  repaired  im- 
mediately to  the  palace,  in  order  to  persuade  Comonfort. 
not  to  accept  the  pronunciamento , thus  fulfilling  to  the 
last  moment  his  duties  as  a Minister.  Two  days  after, 
Comonfort  openly  adhered  to  the  revolt,  ordered  Juarez 
to  be  apprehended,  retained  him  a close  prisoner  in  the 
palace,  and  dissolved  the  Congress. 

The  reward  of  After  lie  had  placed  all  the  resources  and 
means  of  defence  of  the  Government  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  insurgents,  and  proved  himself  faithless  alike 
to  his  duties  and  oaths,  Comonfort  in  his  turn  found  that 
the  rebels  were  unfaithful  to  him.  He  was  unrecognized 
by  them : they  placed  no  confidence  in  him.  But  it  was 
now  too  late  to  retrace  his  steps.  In  this  state  of  despair 
he  believed  he  would  greatly  damage  the  cause  of  the  in- 
surgents by  restoring  Juarez  to  liberty,  in  order  that  he 
might  assume  the  direction  of  the  National  Government. 
Juarez,  once  free,  in  the  midst  of  a thousand  personal 
dangers,  resolved  upon  the  acceptance  of  the  situation 
which  Comonfort  abandoned,  by  his  flight  to  a foreign 
land. 


“tiie  law  of  juarez  ” and  “the  church  party” — 1857. 

Era  in  the  life  From  this  period  the  incidents  in  the  life  of 

of  Juarez.  juarez  are  s0  interwoven  and  connected  with 

the  whole  course  of  events  in  the  country,  that  in  order 
to  follow  him  through  his  various  vicissitudes,  and  to  un- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


129 


derstand  his  character  and  course,  it  is  almost  necessary 
to  narrate  the  history  of  Mexico  during  the  past  eight 
years.  But  the  limits  of  this  brief  memoir  require  as 
close  confinement  as  possible  to  the  simple  object  it  has  in 
view — the  personal  history  of  Juarez.  It  is,  however, 
necessary  to  retrace  our  steps  a little,  and  recall  certain 
events  which  concern  the  narrative. 

Defection  of  The  revolution  brought  about  by  the  defection 

comontoit.  Don  Ignacio  Comonfort  had  its  origin  in 

causes  of  previous  years.  On  the  termination  of  the 
revolution  of  Ayutla,  the  liberal  party  saw  it  was  neces- 
sary  to  make  radical  work  of  the  reformation  throughout 
the  country  ; to  continue  the  contest  until  the  party  of  the 
“old  regime”  should  be  overcome.  Bor  otherwise  the 
nation  could  not  exist,  much  less  establish  those  principles 
of  its  political  faith,  which  are  now  recognized  and  main- 
tained among  the  most  enlightened  nations. 

The  reformation  being  initiated  through  the 
“Law  of  Juarez,”  the  contest  waxed  warm  and 
obstinate.  The  Clerical  party,  on  the  one  side,  promoted 
and  sustained  the  first  revolution  in  Puebla,  which  Comon- 
fort in  person  overcame  at  the  battle  of  Ocotlan.  The 
constituent  Congress,  on  the  other  hand,  opened  its  sessions 
on  the  1st  of  February,  1856.  The  elections  had  resulted 
as  was  anticipated,  from  the  full  and  liberal  call  of  Ocampo 
issued  on  the  17th  of  October  previous.  All  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  belonged  to  the  liberal  party,  with 
here  and  there  a few  not  very  prominent  or  influential 
conservatives.  The  majority  of  the  deputies  belonged  to 
the  radical  liberal  party,  and  the  rest  to  the  moderate 
party. 

The  Congress  without  delay  sanctioned  the 
“Juarez  Law;”  and  shortly  after  took  up  the 


The  Reform 
Laws. 


Action  of  Con- 
gress. 


130 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  Church 
Property. 


subject  of  the  suppression  of  the  order  of  the  Jesuits , and 
the  confiscation  of  their  property.  The  clergy  persisted  in 
their  machinations,  and  brought  about  the  second  revolu- 
tion in  Puebla,  which  was  also  suppressed. 

The  unfortunate  but  well-deserving  Miguel 
Lerdi  de  Tejada  about  this  time  came  into  the 
cabinet  as  Minister  of  the  Treasury.  He  proposed  to 
Comonfort  the  issuing  of  the  law  for  the  nationalization 
of  the  property  of  the  clergy.  Comonfort  and  his  Cabinet 
opposed  it.  The  Minister  was  compelled  to  adopt  a mid- 
dle course.  A compromise  was  accepted  through  the  law  of 
June  25,  1856,  abolishing  the  transfer  of  mortmain 
estates.  This  law  was  not  wholly  acceptable  to  the  liberal 
party,  as  evidenced  by  the  discussion  in  Congress  on  the 
subject.  It  was,  however,  accepted  as  a reform, — the  only 
one  which  could  then  be  obtained  from  the  moderate 
Cabinet. 

On  the  29tli  July  following,  Congress  began 
the  discussion  of  the  famous  Article  XV., 
amending  the  Constitution,  which  established  the  absolute 
freedom  of  all  religious  creeds.  The  seed  which  Juarez 
had  sown  in  his  Law  of  J ustice  proved  fruitful.  The  dis- 
cussion was  lucid,  but  very  bitter ; and  the  nation  would 
have  attained  at  once  the  establishment  of  this  first  princi- 
ple of  freedom  to  man,  if  the  Government  of  Comonfort 
had  not  made  so  strong  and  stubborn  an  opposition  to  the 
liberal  party  and  its  measures.  They  persuaded,  during 
the  Congress,  many  of  the  deputies  who  were  undoubt- 
edly reformists,  as  they  afterwards  proved  to  be,  to  vote 
contrary  to  their  convictions,  by  working  upon  the  fears 
which  the  government  itself  had  instilled  into  their  minds. 
Opposition  of  The  Constitution,  however,  was  adopted  Feb. 
the ciergy.  The  clergy,  beaten  on  the  fields  of  bat- 


Religious 

freedom. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


131 


tie  and  foiled  in  Congress,  and  having  only  a few  armed 
partisans  lurking  hither  and  thither  in  their  cause,  did  not 
entirely  despair.  They  began  to  place  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  the  administration  of  Comonfort, — first  with  reference 
to  the  question  of  taking  the  oath  to  the  Constitution,  and 
next  through  tlieir  refusal  to  administer  the  sacrament 

But  Comonfort  had  no  faith  in  the  cause  he  was  bound 
to  sustain  ; he  hated  the  liberal  party,  which  was  his  only 
support ; he  vacillated,  doubted,  and  was  frightened  ; he 
abandoned  the  radical  liberal  party,  and  fell  from  the  high 
position  he  occupied,  causing  great  injury  not  only  to  the 
liberal  party,  but  to  the  nationality  of  Mexico. 

It  was  a complete  coup-de-theatre — a most  rapid  shift- 
ing of  the  scenes.  All  the  machinery  of  Government  was 
made  over  to  the  party  of  the  “ old  regime  11 — men,  arms, 
money,  all  placed  in  their  hands.  In  fact,  the  Capital  of 
the  Republic  was  in  their  possession.  Shortly  after,  they 
obtained  the  recognition  of  all  the  governments  who  had 
been  on  friendly  relations  with  Mexico,  and  who  are  now 
to  interpose  in  their  favor. 

Juarez  and  the  At  this  juncture,  Juarez  accepted  the  situation 
which  Comonfort  abandoned.  Comonfort  relied 
upon  the  resources  of  the  country  ; Juarez  had  them  all 
against  him.  Comonfort  relied  upon  the  clerical  party ; 
Juarez  put  his  faith  in  the  people.  The  people  sustained 
him. 

Almost  all  the  States  entered  into  coalitions  itmoriim 

o o 

the  Government  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  They  began  to 
raise  and  organize  forces  everywhere,  in  order  to  resist 
the  “ old  regime,”  lording  it  at  the  Capital. 

Juarez  at  gu-  On  the  19th  of  January,  1858,  Juarez  arrived 

at  Guanajuato  ; issued  his  manifesto ; appointed 
his  cabinet ; and  was  recognized  as  President  of  the  Re- 


132 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


public  by  all  the  States.  The  circumstances  of  the  cam- 
paign obliged  Juarez  to  abandon  Guanajuato.  On  the 
15th  of  February,  1858,  he  arrived  with  his  ministers  and 
employes  at  Guadalajara.  He  had  scarcely  arrived  there, 
when  he  was  informed  of  the  defeat  of  the  Constitutional 
army  at  Salamanca,  on  the  10th  of  March. 

Betrayal  and  The  garrison  of  Guadalajara,  under  the  com. 

seizure  of 

Juarez.  mancl  of  General  Nunez,  had  already  been  cor- 
rupted.  Lieut.-Colonel  Landa,  commanding  the  5th  In- 
fantry, who  had  been  left  with  that  portion  of  the  corps 
at  Guadalajara,  as  a guard  to  the  President,  pronounced 
in  favor  of  the  “old  regime.”  General  Nunez  repaired  to 
the  quarters  of  the  insurgents,  and  was  there  received  with 
a discharge  of  small  arms  and  made  prisoner.  The  very 
guard  of  Juarez  seized  him,  his  ministers,  and  some  others 
of  his  employes,  and  held  them  all  as  prisoners  in  the  pal- 
ace of  the  Government.  They  were  all  threatened  with 
death.  Juarez  especially  was  given  to  understand  that  he 
would  be  shot,  as  the  only  obstacle  to  the  success  of  the 
“ old  regime.” 

Fidelity  of  A small  squad  of  the  1st  Cavalry,  under  the 
command  of  Hon  Antonio  Alvarez,  the  national 
guard,  and  the  people  voluntarily  rising,  made  up  their 
minds  to  defend  the  Government,  and  to  attack  vigorously 
the  insurgents  at  the  different  points  held  by  them,  and 
particularly  the  palace,  where  Juarez  and  all  the  prisoners 
were  confined.  They  suffered  all  the  torments  of  such  a 
situation,  guarded  with  the  utmost  vigor,  and  constantly 
threatened  with  instant  death.  Such  an  end  was  indeed 
more  than  probable,  in  view  of  the  confusion  and  demor- 
alization to  which  the  pending  conflict  of  arms  was  redu- 
cing the  insurgents. 

© © 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


133 


peril  of  the  When  a column  of  the  national  guard  under 

the  command  of  Don  Miguel  Cruz  Aedo,  on 
their  errand  of  liberation  for  the  prisoners,  had  reached 
the  principal  square,  and  was  about  to  enter  the  palace, 
the  insurgents  believed  they  were  already  defeated.  An 
officer  named  Peraza,  who  commanded  the  guard,  ordered 
them  to  enter  the  room  where  the  prisoners  were  confined. 
The  platoon  of  some  twenty  soldiers  Avere  drawn  up,  their 
pieces  cocked  and  levelled  at  the  group  of  prisoners.  The 
room  in  which  these  scenes  Avere  enacted,  had  tivo  others 
adjoining,  one  on  either  side.  In  these  the  greater  part 
of  the  prisoners  took  refuge,  seeing  they  Avere  about  to  be 
barbarously  murdered.  For  some  reason,  the  soldiers  did 
not  fire,  perhaps  because  the  act  seemed  to  them  horrible 
and  inhuman,  or  because  they  Avere  dissuaded  from  it  by 
Don  Guillermo  Prieto,  avIio  at  the  most  imminent  moment 
of  danger  addressed  to  them  a feeling  remonstrance ; or 
because,  as  is  more  probable,  it  appeared  to  Peraza  that 
the  best  guarantee  of  his  oavh  life,  in  any  event,  Avas 
the  preservation  of  that  of  these  prisoners.  He  left  the 
main  room  and  dreAV  up  the  file  of  soldiers  in  the  entry  of 
the  building,  until  Cruz  Aedo  had  retired  from  the  main 
square. 


Lnnda  and  At  another  critical  moment  of  this  conflict 
two  other  leaders  of  this  rebellion,  Landa  and 
Morett,  attempted  to  obtain  an  order  from  Juarez  for  the 
suspension  of  the  firing  of  the  loyal  forces  upon  the  insur- 
gents. Juarez  with  great  coolness  replied,  that  as  he  was 
a prisoner  he  could  give  no  orders.  It  Avas  intimated  to 
him  that  his  life  Avas  at  stake.  He  ansAvered,  that  “ the 
life  of  an  individual  Avas  of  no  moment  Avhen  the  fate  and 
interests  of  a Avhole  people  Avere  in  jeopardy.”  The  per- 
sonal security  of  the  insurgents  Avas,  without  doubt,  the 


134 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Parrodi  and 
Degollado. 


Release  of 
Juarez. 


only  reason  which  prevented  Juarez  and  the  leaders  among 
his  companions  from  being  sacrificed  on  this  occasion. 

While  these  events  were  occurring,  the  rem- 
nants  of  the  federal  army,  having  been  defeated 
at  Salamanca,  wrere  retiring  upon  Guadalajara,  under 
Parrodi  and  Don  Santos  Degollado.  Osollo,  the  com- 
mander of  the  insurgent  forces,  was  in  pursuit  of  them, 
and  two  days  distant  on  the  march.  It  was  certain  that 
Degollado  and  Parrodi  would  reach  Guadalajara  before 
Osollo,  and  in  that  event  Landa  and  Morett  would  be  at- 
tacked by  very  superior  forces  which  would  easily  destroy 
them.  Knowing  their  precarious  situation,  they  deter- 
mined to  capitulate  with  the  forces  in  the  city,  and  the 
authorities  of  the  State  of  Jalisco. 

In  the  agreement  entered  into,  it  was  stipula- 
ted that  Juarez  and  the  other  political  prisoners 
should  be  set  at  liberty  ; that  Landa  and  the  insurgents 
should  leave  the  city  of  Guadalajara  and  retire  in  what- 
ever direction  they  might  elect,  beyond  a distance  of  ten 
leagues,  without  being  molested  during  their  evacuation. 
In  virtue  of  this  capitulation,  Juarez  was  transferred,  not 
without  risk,  from  the  palace  of  Guadalajara  to  the  house 
of  the  French  Consul,  wdiere  he  remained  until  after  the 
departure  of  Landa. 

Parrodi  Min-  General  Parrodi  arrived  shortly  afterwards, 
ister  of  War.  wp.p  wpa^  remained  to  him  of  his  army.  Juarez 

named  him  Minister  of  War  and  Commander-in-Chief  of 
the  Federal  Army,  and  committed  to  him  the  defence  of 
Guadalajara.  Parrodi  immediately  decided  that  the  Gov- 
ernment should  not  expose  itself  to  the  hazards  of  war, 
and  should  be  placed  in  a position  of  the  greatest  possible 
security.  Juarez,  therefore,  decided  to  retire  from  Gua- 
dalajara with  the  remainder  of  his  force. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


135 


Landa  and  his 
force. 


coi.  Rocha.  Colonel  Rocha  was  sent  with  the  5th  Infantry 
oulr3d?dy  on  the  road  which  Juarez  was  to  take,  with  the 
view  of  protecting  him  from  Landa  and  the  insurgents. 
On  the  20th  of  March,  Juarez,  with  his  Ministers  and  a 
few  employes,  commenced  their  journey  towards  Colima, 
escorted  by  sixty  men  from  the  police  battalion  of  Mexico, 
and  thirty  cavalry  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Don 
Francisco  Iniestra. 

Juarez  and  his  party  had  travelled  their  first 
journey,  and  had  just  taken  up  their  lodgings  in 
the  Tresor  of  Santa-Ana  Acotlan,  a town  some  twelve 
leagues  to  the  southward  of  Guadalajara,  when  Landa 
with  six  hundred  men  and  two  pieces  of  artillery  pre- 
sented himself. 

Magnanimity  In  these  critical  circumstances  a cabinet  meet- 
ing was  called,  and  Juarez  proposed  to  his  com- 
panions to  deliver  himself  up,  that  thus  they  might  be 
saved.  This  generous  proposal  was  rejected  by  all,  and  a 
defence  was  decided  upon.  Iniestra  ordered  the  church 
in  front  of  the  Tresor,  and  a house  near  by,  to  be  occupied. 
At  4 o’clock  in  the  evening  the  firing  commenced.  Three 
times  Landa  attempted  to  assault  the  Tresor,  and  was  as 
often  repulsed.  During  one  of  these  assaults  it  seemed 
almost  certain  that  the  place  would  be  taken,  and  several 
of  the  civil  employes  were  preparing  to  escape  by  a back 
entrance  of  the  Tresor.  Rocha  was  at  a great  distance  from 
Santa-Ana  Acotlan  with  his  force,  and  could  render  no 
positive  assistance.  Captain  Don  Leandro  Valle,  acting 
Adjutant  to  Colonel  Iniestra,  behaved  with  great  coolness 
and  bravery  during  the  engagement.  * 

* See  the  correct  account  of  these  transactions,  in  the  letter  of 
President  Juarez,  page  160. 


136 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


At  8 o’clock  p.  m.  the  firing;  ceased.  It  was 
0sollo‘  ° 

not  known  whether  the  insurgents  had  abandon- 
ed the  field  or  still  held  their  positions.  Osollo  was  on 
that  day  seven  leagues  distant  from  Guadalajara,  and 
could  have  detached  a column  of  cavalry,  which  would 
have  arrived  just  in  time  to  insure  the  success  of  Landa. 
The  midnight  In  the  midst  of  such  dangers,  it  was  necessary 
to  risk  everything.  It  Avas  determined  to  attempt 
a retreat.  This  Avas  undertaken  at  midnight,  Avith  the  ex- 
pectation at  every  step  of  meeting  the  enemy,  and  the  de- 
termination at  all  hazards  to  break  through  their  lines. 


Juarez  at 
Sayula. 


Whether  the  movement  Avas  not  perceived  by  the  enemy, 
or  Avhether  he  had  AvithdraAvn,  or,  as  is  more  probable, 
had  feared  the  approach  of  Rocha,  the  result  AA7as  that  the 
retreat  Avas  effected  without  molestation  or  misfortune. 

On  the  23d  of  March,  1858,  Juarez  arrived  at 
Sayula,  Avhere  he  met  Rocha  Avith  his  command. 
The  day  following  he  arrived  at  Zapotlan,  and  shortly 
after  at  Colima,  learning  on  the  Avay  that  Parrodi  had 
capitulated  at  Guadalajara  Avithout  fighting. 

Dcgoiiado Mm-  At.  Colima,  Juarez  appointed  Don  Santos 
xster  Degollado  (hitherto  Minister  of  Government), 

Minister  of  War  and  of  the  Navy,  and  General-in-Chief  of 
the  Federal  Army — an  army  yet  to  be  raised.  He  gave 
him  ample  poAvers  over  the  Department  of  War  and  of  the 
Treasury,  to  the  end  that  he  might  continue  the  war  in  the 
Western  and  Northern  States. 

Juarez  himself  determined  to  proceed  to  Vera  Cruz, 
to  establish  his  goArernment  there — a post  of  primary  im- 
portance in  the  Republic,  and  where  his  influence  could  be 
more  readily  and  extensively  exerted. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1858,  Juarez  embarked 
at  Manzanillo  on  board  the  steamer  “ John  L. 


Juarez  and 
Cabinet. 


MEXICO  AND  TIIE  UNITED  STATES. 


137 


Juarez  at  Vera 
Cruz. 


Stephens,”  of  the  Panama  and  San  Francisco  line,  with 
his  cabinet,  composed  of  Senores  Ocampo,  Ruiz,  Prieto, 
and  Guzman.  The  next  day  the  steamer  touched  at 
Acapulco,  where  Juarez  landed  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
ferring with  General  Alvarez,  who,  however,  being  absent 
in  the  province,  was  not  seen.  Seven  days  after  he  arrived 
at  Panama,  crossed  the  Isthmus,  and  took  passage  at  As- 
pinwall  in  the  steamer  “ Granada,”  then  plying  between 
that  port  and  Havana.  Here  he  embarked  on  board  the 
steamer  “Philadelphia”  for  New  Orleans,  and  from  New 
Orleans  continued  his  voyage  by  the  steamer  Tennessee 
to  Vera  Cruz.  Here  he  landed  on  the  4th  of  May,  1858, 
at  a very  critical  juncture  in  affairs  at  that  port. 

On  establishing  his  government  at  Vera  Cruz, 
Juarez  may  be  said  to  have  had  no  other  re- 
sources than  public  opinion  and  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
against  all  the  powerful  elements  which  the  “ old  regime  ” 
had  known  so  well  how  to  employ. 

success  of  the  The  armies  of  the  “old  regime”  marched 

“on  Regime.’  ^rjump]ian^y  jn  every  direction,  defeated  the  lib- 
erals almost  everywhere,  and  finally  occupied  nearly  all  the 
capitals  of  the  Republic.  Their  forces,  however,  were  not 
sufficiently  numerous  to  establish  garrisons  at  all  the 
places  they  occupied  ; and  as  soon  as  they  were  abandoned 
the  people  arose,  returned  to  the  Constitutional  order 
of  things,  made  new  levies  of  liberal  and  liberating  forces, 
and  found  new  resources  to  prosecute  the  Avar. 

During  these  three  years1  contest,  sustained 
Avith  so  much  tenacity  by  the  people,  many  heroic 
acts,  sublime  examples  of  self-denying  patriotism  occur- 
red, which  Avill  ahvays  be  an  honor  to  the  liberal  party. 
Their  old  enemies,  hoAvever,  ahvays  repaid  the  magna- 
nimity, frankness,  and  loyalty  ever  shoAvn  by  the  leaders 


Heroism  of 
the  People. 


138 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  the  liberal  party,  with  the  most  atrocious  assassina- 
tions. 

It  is  with  true  regret  that  the  limits  proposed  for  this 
sketch,  preclude  the  history  of  the  stirring  events  and 
heroic  deeds  of  this  lengthened  contest.  The  simple 
statement  must  suffice,  that  after  two  years  of  continued 
defeats,  the  constitutional  forces  achieved  uninterrupted 
successes.  The  victorious  battles  of  Soma,  Alta,  Tepic, 
Oajaca,  and  Silao,  were  the  preludes  to  the  termination  of 
that  series  of  conflicts,  known  as  the  “ Three  Years’  War.” 
The  trials  of  Juarez,  during  all  this  protracted  struggle, 
had  to  meet  not  only  all  exigencies,  but  also  all 
the  weaknesses,  the  ambitions,  and  sometimes  something 
more,  of  his  fellow  partisans. 

Juarez,  it  is  true,  says  the  author  of  this  sketch, 
in  1866,  cannot  wear  the  trophies  of  military  glory  which 
so  many  heroes  of  this  reformation  obtained  in  a thou- 
sand battles, — most  of  whom  have  perished  while  up- 
holding the  liberty,  the  honor,  and  the  independence  of 
their  country.  But  he  has  liis  own  glory  almost  exclu- 
sively to  himself — if,  indeed,  less  brilliant,  not  less  sub- 
stantial or  abiding.  He  has  never  despaired  of  the  salva- 
tion of  his  country.  He  has  been  its  great  Reformer, 

and  he  will  yet  accomplish  the  Independence  of  Mexico  ! 

» 

THE  THREE  GREAT  UNFRIENDLY  POWERS. 

Sympathy  of  The  Governments  of  France,  England,  and 
powers.”  Spain  had  scarcely  limited  themselves  to  any 

kind  or  degree  of  support  to  the  party  of  the  “ old  re- 
gime.” They  recognized  the  government,  which  the 
Mexicans  disavowed,  as  the  Government  of  Mexico  “ de 
facto.”  The  Mexicans  repudiated  it.  Beyond  a few  of 
the  central  cities  of  the  Republic,  it  had  no  hold  upon  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


139 


respect  or  confidence  of  the  people.  Nevertheless,  these 
foreign  governments,  in  addition  to  their  moral  support  of 
the  “ pseudo-government,”  gave  to  it  positive  aid,  and  by 
their  naval  forces  interposed  to  the  Constitutional  Go- 
vernment, every  obstacle  and  difficulty  in  their  power. 
The  ports  on  the  Pacific  and  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  were 
alternately  threatened  with  the  guns  of  foreign  fleets. 
Encreyof  The  energy,  prudence,  and  courage  of  Juarez 
and  his  Ministers  were  enabled  at  all  times  to 
dispel  these  dangers,  and  in  such  a manner  that  the  Dun- 
lop and  Periot  conventions  will  always,  under  the  trying 
circumstances  in  which  they  were  negotiated,  do  honor 
to  the  Constitutional  government. 

But  the  publication  of  the  “ Laws  of  Reform 11 
produced  a change  in  the  conduct  of  the  foreign 
representatives.  They  received  such  instructions  from 
their  governments,  as  caused  them  to  change  their  tactics, 
without,  however,  modifying  materially  the  European  idea 
which  had  a long  time  previous  been  matured,  of  concerted 
action  and  co-operation  with  the  party  of  the  “ Old  Re- 


La’.vs  of  Re- 
form. 


gime. 

© 


Constitution 
of  1857. 


The  Constitution  of  1857  had  been,  until  now, 
the  banner  of  the  liberal  party.  It  embodied 
within  itself  the  programme  of  the  greater  portion  of 
the  social  reforms  demanded  by  their  political  creed.  But 
from  the  moment  the  laws  of  July  appeared,  many  of  the 
intelligent  men  of  the  liberal  party  forgot  the  Constitution, 
and  only  thought  of  securing  the  reformation,  without 
caring  about  the  means  for  accomplishing  it.  The  dis- 
couragement of  some,  the  impatience  and  personal  ambi- 
tion of  others,  and  even  the  enmity  of  a few  to  Juarez 
and  to  the  Constitution  itself,  contributed  to  the  support 
of  this  plan. 


140 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Foreign  inter' 
ference. 


English 

mediation. 


The  European  governments,  as  was  natural, 
took  advantage  of  these  circumstances,  and 
through  their  ministers,  under  the  pretext  that  neither  of 
the  belligerent  parties  had  sufficient  force  to  overcome  the 
other,  and  that  the  war  would  be  interminable,  united 
with  these  impatient  liberals  and  initiated  the  plan  of 
diplomatic  mediation.  They  proposed  to  • guarantee  to 
one  party  the  establishment  of  social  reforms,  and  to  the 
other,  that  of  conservative  political  principles. 

This  plan  was  first  officially  made  known  in 
March,  18G0.  The  British  Government,  through 
Captain  Aldham  of  the  British  Navy,  offered  its  media- 
tion both  to  Juarez  and  to  Miramon,  the  representatives 
respectively  of  the  two  parties. 

In  the  month  of  April  following,  the  French 
Government,  through  Mr.  Doissau,  their  Consul 
at  Vera  Cruz,  made  the  same  proposal,  in  a despatch  to 
Juarez  from  M.  de  Gabriac.  Some  of  the  adherents  of 
the  liberal  party  urged  upon  Juarez  the  acceptance  of  this 
European,  intervention  in  the  home  affairs  of  Mexico. 
Others  favored  asking  assistance  from  the  United  States, 
who,  on  their  part,  offered  a decided  protection  to  the  Idl- 
er al  party. 


French 

mediation. 


Monarchy  for 
Mexico. 


No  onex  could  have  been  blind,  from  this 


period,  to  the  design  of  the  European  powers  to 
establish  a monarchy  in  Mexico.  If  any  doubt  could 
have  existed,  it  would  have  been  dispelled  on  seeing  the 
documents  seized  and  taken  from  the  principal  agents  of 
the  “ Church  party,”  off  the  port  of  Tampico,  and  pub- 
lished in  August,  1858.  No  one  could  longer  doubt  the 
inclination  or  the  purposes  of  the  European  representa- 
tives towards  the  adherents  of  the  “ old  regime.”  For 
years  they  had  been  unmistakably  united  in  sympathy, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


141 


friendly  relations,  and  co-operation  with  this  party.  Yet 
notwithstanding  all,  there  were  some  prominent  men  of 
the  liberal  party  who  entered  into  a scheme  so  absurd  and 
preposterous,  and  urged  upon  Juarez  the  adoption  of  the 
plan. 

Firmness  of  The  partisans  of  this  fusion  became  finally 
satisfied  that  Juarez  would  never  accede  to  any 
such  compromise.  To  carry  their  point  they  even 
attempted  a conspiracy,  and  endeavored  to  seduce  Don 
Santos  Degollado,  and  to  bring  him  over  to  their  views. 
If  the  charges  they  made  against  him  be  true,  Seuor  De- 
o-ollado,  one  of  the  most  faithful  and  constant  defenders 
of  the  Constitution,  became  doubtful,  or,  blinded  by  the 
instigations  of  bad  counsellors,  gave  in  his  adhesion  and 
joined  the  conspiracy.  He  invited  the  representative  of 
England,  Mr.  Mathew,  to  a conference,  and  proposed  to 
him  the  famous  plan  of  pacification  by  means  of  the 
intervention  of  the  foreign  ministers. 


Juarex  Juarez,  who,  without  any  resources  or  any 

positive  element  of  support  whatever  on  which 
to  rely  on  accepting  the  Presidency,  had  sustained  himself 
up  to  this  period — Juarez,  who,  when  Miramon  pre- 
sented himself  before  Vera  Cruz,  with  powerful  forces,  to 
attack  him,  had  repelled  every  measure  of  compromise, 
and  would  only  consent  to  be  governed  by  the  will 
of  the  nation  lawfully  expressed — could  do  no  less 
now  than  to  oppose  all  the  incitements  of  his  fellow-sup- 
porters,  and  likewise  all  pretensions  of  the  Diplomatic 
corps. 


Juarez  to  the  The  constant  reply  of  Juarez  was,  “I  am  not 

the  chief  of  a party.  I am  the  lawful  repre- 
sentative of  the  Nation.  The  instant  I set  aside  law,  my 
powers  cease  and  my  mission  is  ended.  I cannot,  I do 


142 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  ' STATES. 


not  desire  to,  and  I must  not,  make  any  compromise  what- 
ever. The  moment  I should  do  so,  my  constituents  would 
cease  to  acknowledge  me,  because  I have  sworn  to  sup- 
port the  Constitution,  and  I sustain,  with  entire  confi- 
dence, the  public  opinion.  When  this  shall  be  manifested 
to  me  in  a different  sense,  I shall  be  the  first  to  acknow- 
ledge its  sovereign  deliberations.” 

o o 


The  people  to 
Juarez. 


The  people  promptly  decided  the  point  beyond 
question  or  doubt.  The  liberal  army,  which  was 
menacing  Guadalajara,  the  instant  they  received  the  news 
of  the  revolutionary  plan  proposed  by  Don  Santos  Degol- 
lado  on  the  21st  of  October,  refused  to  obey  him.  They 
had  not  heard  of  the  supreme  decision,  on  the  17th,  which 
deprived  him  of  the  command  of  the  army.  A few 
months  afterwards  Juarez  received  the  full  sanction  and 
approbation  of  the  Nation  as  to  his  policy,  when  it  elected 
him  the  Constitutional  President  of  the  Republic. 

But  Juarez  had  been  accused  of  personal  am- 

A new  election. 

bition,  and  it  was  thought  that  his  firmness  in 
refusing  to  accede  to  compromises  arose  from  the  desire  to 
retain  the  high  position  that  he  held.  His  reply  to  this 
was  prompt  and  decisive.  In  November  he  issued  his 
proclamation  for  the  election  of  a President,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  Don  Ignacio  Comonfort,  who  had  proved  a traitor 
to  the  Constitution  of  1857  and  to  his  party.  Thus  the 
way  was  left  open  to  all  interests,  to  all  aspirants,  and  to 
the  free  and  frank  exercise  of  the  national  opinion  and  will 
on  the  point  of  such  vital  importance. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  1860,  the  city  of 
Mexico  was  finally  occupied  by  the  liberal  army. 
The  night  before,  it  had  been  abandoned  by  Miramon  and 
the  remnant  of  his  completely  demoralized  army.  On 
the  11th  of  February,  1861,  Juarez  with  his  Cabinet 


Juarez  at  the 
Capital. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


143 


entered  the  Capital,  and  received  a magnificent  ovation  at 
the  hands  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  The  forces 
of  the  old  dominant  party  had  indeed  been  cbnquered, 
but  the  elements  against  which  the  Constitutional  Govern- 
ment had  even  yet  to  contend  were  too  many  and  powerful 
to  admit  of  peace  being  the  immediate  result  of  this  final 
triumph. 

The  position  of  affairs,  and  the  difficulties  against  which 
Juarez  was  forced  to  contend,  on  his  arrival  in  the  Capital, 
may  be  understood  and  appreciated  from  the  following 
paragraph,  written  at  that  period  by  a foreigner : 

“Mexico,  March  28,  1861. 

Position  of  “ The  situation  created  by  the  triumph  of  the 
Constitutional  army,  comprehended,  as  you  will 
deduce  from  my  last  report,  all  these  elements  : 

“ 1.  The  ‘ old  party,’  represented  by  the  debris  of  the 
army,  vanquished  at  Calpulalpam  by  the  garrison  of 
Mexico,  which  had  been  disbanded  on  Christmas  night ; 
and  by  the  active  spirits  of  the  clerical  party,  more  or  less 
opposed  to  the  actual  order  of  things. 

“ 2.  The  Constitutional  army  and  the  people,  who  had 
been  roused  to  restore  the  Constitution  and  carry  out  the 
Laws  of  Reform.  This  immense  element  could  not  on  the 
whole  be  considered  under  the  character  of  an  armed  mass. 
After  this  revolutionary  return  to  constitutional  authority, 
it  wras  necessary  to  restore  this  body  to  their  normal  condi- 
tion in  the  Republic,  and  to  cause  them  to  return  to  their 
distinct  social  positions,  from  which  they  had  been  forcibly 
driven  by  the  tumult  and  necessities  of  the  conflict. 

“3.  The  several  States,  each  considered  as  a political 
entity,  and  accustomed  during  the  civil  war  to  the  exercise 
of  an  unlimited  sovereignty,  incompatible,  it  is  true,  with 


144 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  constitutional  system.  But  this  exceptional  exercise, 
admitted  and  even  indispensable  in  the  circumstances  of 
the  times,  was  not  without  its  danger.  Although  in 
localities  faithful  and  true,  yet,  under  the  influence  of  the 
liberal  spirit  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the  impulses  of 
freedom  to  which  a country  generally  abandons  itself 
after  a dear-bought  triumph  over  despotism,  the  fear  was 
that  the  example  of  a temporary  exigency  might  be 
urged  as  a permanent  policy. 

“ 4.  After  these  came  the  civil  element  of  the  revolution, 
— persons  in  the  community  more  or  less  impregnated 
with  democratic  ideas,  and  who  had  been  for  three  years 
looking  for  the  success  of  the  constitutional  arms.  With 
exaggerated  ideas  based  upon  this  state  of  facts,  and  with 
feelings  exasperated  by  the  brutal  pressure  which  the  ‘ old 
party 1 had  caused  to  be  felt  by  the  country,  they  had 
their  various  theories  of  government. 

“ 5.  There  was  still  another,  which  may  be  called  the 
social  element.  It  was  composed  of  the  representatives  of 
the  interests  which  had  initiated  the  reforms  attempted  in 
1856.  These  interests  had  been  greatly  injured  by  the 
revolution  of  Tacubaya.  Their  numbers  and  demands  had 
greatly  increased  after  the  principle  of  nationalization  had 
been  proclaimed  to  its  full  extent.  Their  demands  indeed 
went  beyond  the  limits  of  equity  and  reason. 

“With  these  varied  and  conflicting  elements  of  the 
difficult  situation,  were  interwoven  the  pretensions  of  the 
Diplomatic  Representatives,  growing  out  of  the  different 
international  questions  which  had  arisen  in  the  nation 
during  the  course  of  the  civil  war. 

“ On  the  meeting  of  Congress  the  political  situation  be- 
came more  and  more  complicated.  The  deputies  chosen 
when  so  many  different  elements  stirred  the  country,  it 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


145 


Acts  of 
Congress. 


necessarily  followed  that  the  same  should  enter  into  the 
composition  of  the  Legislature.” 

It  has  not  been  the  object  of  this  memoir,  to  defend 
the  administrative  acts  of  Juarez,  nor  to  attack  his  oppo- 
nents. Such  a design  would  have  led  to  too  severe  an 
opinion  of  the  Legislature  of  18GL,  which  notwithstanding 
was  distinguished  by  some  acts  of  true  patriotism. 

This  Congress  had  scarcely  been  convened, 
when  it  began  rudely  to  attack  the  adminis- 
tration. It  undertook  to  declare  itself  a “ National  Con- 
vention and  even  proposed  to  establish  within  itself  a 
revolutionary  tribunal  similar  to  that  of  France  in  1793. 
opposition  to  The  clamor  which  was  first  raised  against  the 
cabinet,  was  finally  brought  to  bear  against  the 
President.  The  Presidential  election  which  took  place 
in  March,  throughout  the  Republic,  was  in  its  result,  the 
freest  that  had  occurred  in  the  country.  But  during  its 
course,  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  although  privately 
(an  act  we  shall  not  attempt  to  qualify),  addressed  himself 
to  several  Governors,  in  order  that  they  might  exert  them- 
selves in  favor  of  Don  Miguel  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  a candi- 
date like  Juarez,  for  the  Presidency  of  the  Republic. 

Juarez,  however,  received  the  greater  number 
of  votes.  Notwithstanding  the  fact,  a consider- 
able minority  in  Congress  attempted  to  oppose  the  election 
of  Juarez,  by  taking  as  their  candidate  Don  Jesus  Gonzalez 
Ortega.  The  majority  of  the  Congress,  however,  prevail- 
ed, and  declared  Juarez  to  be  the  constitutional  President 
of  the  Republic,  by  the  vote  of  the  people. 

It  was  impossible  under  these  circumstances 
that  peace  could  be  re-established  at  once,  and 
history  will  never  lay  it  to  the  charge  of  Juarez  that  lie  was 
10 


Re-election  of 
Juarez. 


Juarez  for 
peace. 


146 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


unable  to  obtain  such  a result.  The  very  dissensions  of 
those  who  at  this  period  called  themselves  liberals,  caused 
the  rising  in  certain  places  of  a few  armed  marauding 
parties.  In  the  name  of  religion  and  of  privileges,  they 
went  so  far  as  to  attack  the  capital  itself,  but  with  poor 
success. 

European  The  old  project  of  the  re-occupation  of  America 

intervention,  ]^ur0peans?  had  now  became  a plan  fully  ma- 
tured and  prepared.  The  occupation  of  Saint  Domingo 
had  its  effect.  This  foreign  measure  naturally  found  a 
response  among  the  traitors  of  Mexico.  The  situation  of 
the  Government  became  complicated.  At  this  period,  it 
could  not  rely  upon  a united  public  opinion  and  a strong 
support  in  the  Legislative  body.  On  the  contrary,  per- 
sonal ambitions,  the  interests  of  mal-adininistration,  and 
here  and  there  a Deputy  opposed  to  Juarez,  caused  a blind 
and  persistent  opposition  in  the  Congress.  The  times  de- 
manded a firm,  prompt,  decisive  action,  in  order  to  uphold 
the  Constitution  and  the  reforms  against  a fanatical  and 
treacherous  reaction.  The  blindness  of  this  group  of  dis- 
affected Deputies  and  oppositionists  went  to  the  extent 
that  they  presented  an  exposition  to  Juarez  requesting 
him  voluntarily  to  withdraw  from  the  Presidency  ; and 
furthermore,  they  invited  all  the  Governors  and  Legisla- 
tures of  the  States  to  second  their  request. 

The  movement  If  were  unjust  to  stamp  as  traitors  the  fifty- 

f°ramonarchy' one  signers  of  this  petition,  for  among  the  names 
there  are  a few  who  subsequently  upheld  the  standard  of 
National  Independence  with  more  or  less  glory,  with  more 
or  less  success,  but  always  with  the  dignity  of  true  Mexi- 
cans. Notwithstanding,  the  majority  of  them,  beginning 
with  the  three  who  figured  as  leaders,  Careaga,  Linares 
and  Montellano,  crouched  in  the  presence  of  the  for- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


147 


eign  invader,  and  sold  themselves  to  the  Empire  of  Maxi- 
milian, and  have  shown  to  the  world  that  their  thoughts 
as  well  as  all  their  acts  were  those  of  traitors. 

Failure  of  the  To  this  petition  of  fifty-one  deputies,  fifty-two 
Monarchists,  0tkers  repiqec[5  requesting  the  President  to  remain 

at  his  post.  The  rest  of  the  Deputies  deemed  both  peti- 
tions to  be  uncalled  tor.  All  the  Governors  of  the  States, 
all  the  Legislatures,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Press 
condemned  with  one  voice,  the  conduct  of  the  fifty-one  ! 
The  final  result  of  this  temporary  movement  was,  that 
Juarez  received  through  all  the  channels  which  a country 
has  for  expressing  its  will,  a vote  of  the  nation’s  confi- 
dence, a full  approbation  of  his  acts,  and  a complete  recog- 
nition of  his  merits,  and  of  the  services  he  had  rendered  to 
the  cause  of  liberty  and  reform.  The  event  entirely  ex- 
tinguished the  strong  opposition  which  had  manifested 
itself  in  the  Congress ; and  although  the  same  elements 
still  remained  within  the  body,  they  were  never  able  after- 
wards to  organize  or  to  unite. 

EUROPEAN  DESIGNS  AGAINST  AMERICA. 

European  Early  in  the  year  1861,  the  press  of  Europe 
opportunity.  pa(j  }3een  announcing  the  designs  and  threats  of 
Europe  against  America.  The  object  was  to  reduce  the 
American  Republics  to  a state  of  colonial  dependency.. 
The  war  in  the  United  States  favored  all  these  projects. 
The  world  has  now  witnessed  the  fullest  confirmation  of 
fears  and  attempts  which  at  that  period  were  deemed 
groundless  and  impossible. 

The  pretext  for  The  necessities  of  the  moment  caused  the 

intervention,  j}xecutive  t0  pr0p0se  the  law  of  the  17th  of 

July.  This  measure  among  other  things  sanctioned,  as  a 
necessity,  the  suspension  for  two  years,  of  the  payments 


148 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


agreed  upon  in  the  diplomatic  conventions.  The  Congress 
through  all  its  votes,  less  four,  approved  of  this  law.  But 
it  was  the  pretext  of  which  Europe  availed  itself,  for  send- 
ing its  armies  of  occupation,  and  France  for  setting  up  its 
intervention,  and  subsequently  imposing  its  Maximilian 
Empire. 

jnarez  and  his  From  this  time  forth,  the  name  of  Juarez  be- 
longs not  only  to  Mexico,  but  it  belongs  to  the 
whole  world.  The  various  changes  of  the  war  have  not 
yet  brought  victory  to  Mexico.  But  Mexico  can  hold  up 
to  the  world  the  never-to-be-forgotten  victory  of  May  5tli, 
18G2  ; and  a constancy  in  adversity  of  which  few  nations 
' can  boast.  Mexico,  weakened  by  more  than  forty  years 
of  civil  strife,  has  contended  against  the  whole  power  of 
the  French  government.  And  though  this  army  did  not 
consist  of  more  than  fifty  thousand  men,  they  may  be 
reckoned  as  imperishable.  For  the  dead,  the  sick,  and 
the  crippled  among  them,  were  constantly  replaced  by 
others.  They  possessed  all  the  appliances  of  modern  war- 
fare, many  of  which  were  entirely  unknown  to  Mexicans. 
They  could  rely  upon  the  moral  support  of  all  the  powers 
of  Europe,  upon  the  wealthy  of  all  the  foreign  nationali- 
ties in  the  country,  and  more  than  all,  upon  the  treason 
of  many  Mexicans,  whom  a fanatical  clergy  had  enlisted 
in  its  cause. 

Dependence  of  Meanwhile  the  true  and  loyal  Mexicans  have 

depended  only  upon  the  elements  ot  their  pure 
patriotism,  and  upon  the  energy  with  which  the  indomi- 
table constancy  of  Juarez  inspired  them.  Dispersed  in 
every  direction,  without  any  possible  concert  of  move- 
ments, the  contest  has  been  prolonged  for  four  years. 
And  yet  the  French  army  and  its  heralded  Empire,  have 
acquired  nothing  but  the  ground  upon  which  they  trod. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


149 


statistics  of  the  The  following  statements,  taken  from  the  jour- 
nal called  “ La  Sombra,’’  may  be  received  as 
truthful.  They  have  been  collected  with  great  care  by  a 
gentleman  of  reliable  character. 

“ According  to  the  official  reports  published  in  this 
paper  during  the  last  seven  months  of  the  year  18G4,  one 
hundred  and  two  (102)  fights  have  taken  place,  of  more 
or  less  importance,  in  which  three  thousand  two  hundred 
and  seventy-seven  (3277)  men  were  killed,  and  thirteen 
hundred  (1300)  wounded. 

“During  the  year  18G5,  the  number  of  battles,  fights, 
and  skirmishes  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
two  (322),  almost  a battle  a day.  There  were  sixteen  hun- 
dred and  seventy-four  (1G74)  killed,  and  twelve  hundred 
and  seventy-nine  (1279)  wounded.  These  numbers  added 
together,  give  a total  of  four  hundred  and  twenty-four 
(424)  engagements,  nine  thousand  nine  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  (9953)  killed,  and  two  thousand  six  hundred  (2600) 
wounded  in  nineteen  months.” 

Heroism  of  the  During  this  contest,  Mexico  has  depended 
upon  the  physical  aid  of  no  one,  but  upon  Mexi- 
cans alone.  If  they  have  not  been  enabled  to  conquer, 
they  have  at  least  incessantly  contended  with  their  foes. 
To  history  is  left  a broad  field,  wherein  to  relate  a thou- 
sand heroic  deeds,  even  now  unknown.  The  independent 
corps  called  guerrillas,  and  the  larger  bodies  of  the  Mexi- 
can army,  have  made  use  of  no  other  means  of  publicity, 
than  the  reports  made  by  the  chiefs  of  the  enemy.  They, 
without  shame,  have  claimed  victories  even  on  those  oc- 
casions, when  they  have  been  defeated  by  the  defenders  of 
our  independence. 

But  to  follow  Juarez  : Puebla  was  captured 
by  Forey  on  the  17th  of  May,  18G3.  On  the 


Tlie  Capital 
abandoned. 


150 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Capricious 

patriots. 


31st  of  the  same  month,  the  government  was  compelled 
to  abandon  the  City  of  Mexico.  It  Avas  deemed  impossi- 
ble to  defend  it ; and  resistance  could  only  cause  many 
evils  to  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  Capital, 
night  of  After  closing  the  chambers,  Juarez  left  Mex- 
ico at  3 o’clock  in  the  evening,  and  commenced 
his  journey  to  the  interior ; stopped  one  day  at  Queretaro, 
and  on  the  10th  of  June  established  the  capital  at  San 
Luis  de  Potosi. 

The  French  party  noAV  began  to  Avithdraw  from  their 
allies,  the  pure  conservative  party,  and  sought  to  Avin  over 
the  liberals  with  great  promises.  The  conservative  party, 
on  its  side,  commenced  the  work  of  confiscation. 

Juarez  noAV  found  that  some  of  those  who 
hitherto  had  called  themselves  Patriots,  began 
through  fear  or  cajolery,  to  abandon  him,  to  recognize  the 
government  of  the  intervention,  and  to  make  the  most  of 
their  treason,  which,  although  more  tardy,  Avas  none  the 
less  shameful  than  that  of  Almonte. 

Juarez  at  san  Juarez  remained  in  San  Luis  until  December, 

18G3.  He  then  Avent  to  Saltillo,  entrusting  to 
General  Negrete  the  defence  against  the  enemy.  On  his 
route  he  received  the  neAvs  of  the  defeat  of  General  Ne- 
grete ; and  being  detained  some  days  at  Matcliuala,  he  ar- 
rived at  Saltillo  on  the  9th  of  February  folloAving,  1864. 

The  government,  which  at  that  time  had  neither  resour- 
ces nor  soldiers,  here  found  that  Don  Santiago  Vidaurri, 
the  Governor  of  Nuevo  Leon  and  Coahuila,  Avas  already 
secretly  in  full  accord  Avith  the  interventionists,  and  ready 
to  surrender  to  them. 

Juarez  set  out  Avith  his  Cabinet  for  Monterey, 
for  the  purpose  of  neutralizing  the  efforts  of 
Vidaurri,  and  he  there  refused  him  due  obedience,  and 


Juarez  at 
Monterey. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


151 


with  arms  in  hand,  endeavored  to  make  resistance  to  the 
Government.  Juarez  issued  a decree  depriving  Vidaurri 
of  his  authority  ; and  all  the  people  of  the  States  of  Nuevo 
Leon  and  Coahuila  declared  against  their  late  Governor. 
He  was  compelled  to  flee  the  country,  having  been  aban- 
doned by  every  one. 

The  Government  was  established  at  Monterey  until, 
threatened  by  three  columns  of  the  Franco-traitors  march- 
ing upon  that  city,  it  was  compelled  to  withdraw. 

On  the  15th  of  August,  1864,  Juarez  began  his  jour- 
ney. The  town  being  attacked  by  the  traitors,  under 
the  command  of  Quiroga,  he  was  compelled  to  leave  Santa 
Catalina  on  the  following  day,  amidst  the  firing  of  those 
who  pursued  him  to  that  town.  He  then  continued  his 
march  to  Chihuahua,  where  he  arrived  on  the  12th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1864.  Here  he  remained  until  the  5th  of  August,  1865, 
when  he  left  for  Paso  del  Norte.  During  this  journey  he 
encountered  immense  difficulties,  and  noted  at  every  step  the 
void  created  around  him  by  defections,  sickness,  and  death. 
The  mission  of  The  handful  of  loyal  men  who  still  rallied 
around  him,  was  composed  of  a little  band  of 
heroes  whose  sufferings  and  troubles  cannot  be  described. 
But  Juarez  had  a mission  to  fulfil.  He  had  to  carry  high 
the  standard  of  the  independence  of  Mexico,  without  at 
any  time  ever  abandoning  the  Mexican  territory;  and  when 
he  was  compelled  to  separate  from  his  family,  when  he 
saw  himself  abandoned  by  men  who  were  either  tired  of 
the  contest,  or  were  obliged  to  abandon  their  friends,  he 
still  continued  firm  and  faithful  to  his  duty  unto  the  end. 
It  was  his  to  restore  the  Flag  in  the  palace  of  Montezuma 
in  Mexico  ; and  all  loyal  Mexicans  believe  that  he  will 
again  unfurl  and  maintain  the  tri-color  banner  of  the  Re- 
public. 


152 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Personal 

appearance. 


Such  have  been  some  of  the  principal  events  in  the 
life  of  Senor  Juarez,  and  here  this  narrative  would  rest, 
but  for  a desire  to  make  known  something  of  his  private 
life,  which  is  so  characteristic  of  the  man. 

Juarez,  in  stature,  is  of  less  than  medium  size, 
with  strongly  marked  features,  of  coppery  com- 
plexion, black  eyes,  with  a frank  expression  of  countenance, 
and  small  hands  and  feet.  His  bearing  and  manner  are  en- 
tirely open  and  communicative  in  matters  which  require  no 
reserve,  and  eminently  reserved  in  affairs  of  state.  With 
a temperament  lymphatic  and  bilious,  he  has  all  the  energy 
and  force  of  persons  of  such  temperament,  and  all  that 
calmness  and  coolness  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  dangers 
which  in  general  distinguish  his  race.  His  health  is  al- 
ways good.  Only  on  one  occasion  (at  Saltillo)  has  he  been 
known  to  be  confined  to  his  bed. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1843,  he  married  a 
young  lady,  Dona  Margarita  Maza,  who  was  of 
a distinguished  and  wealthy  family  in  Oajaca.  They  have 
had  twelve  children,  nine  girls  and  three  boys.  Two  of  the 
sons  and  three  of  the  daughters  have  died,  and  among 
them  his  youngest  son,  Jose  Maria,  who  was  perhaps  the 
most  beloved  of  Juarez.  His  precocious  intelligence  and 
clear  perceptions  gave  promise  of  great  distinction. 

The  eldest  daughter  married,  in  May,  1863,  Don  Pedro 
Santacilla,  a Cuban  patriot  and  literary  gentleman,  who, 
in  Mexico,  his  adopted  country,  has  shown  the  same  attach- 
ment to  Republican  principles  which  has  distinguished 
him  in  other  countries. 

The  fullest  opportunities  of  knowing  the  pri- 
vate life  of  Juarez  have  only  led  to  admiration 
of  his  devotion  to  his  family,  and  of  the  happy  tranquility 
of  his  domestic  hearth.  Madame  Juarez,  a model  wife, 


Domestic  life. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


153 


Personal 

courage. 


has,  through  her  genial  disposition,  always  rendered  her 
husband  happy  ; and  he  on  his  part,  has  had  for  her  an 
unbounded  affection.  Society  has  never  yet,  up  to  the 
present  period,  accused  him  of  a single  departure  from 
that  private  morality,  violations  of  which  so  often  occasion 
irreparable  domestic  troubles.  His  proverbial  honesty  in 
public  life  has  always  corresponded  to  the  purity  and 
integrity  of  his  private  character.  He  is  frugal  and  sim- 
ple in  his  modes  of  living,  sleeps  but  little,  and  rises 
always  with  the  dawn  of  day.  The  moments  he  has  free 
from  occupations  he  devotes  to  study,  principally  that  of 
history.  He  is  a well-educated  man,  but  extremely  mod- 
est. It  is  not  his  custom  to  boast  of  his  attainments. 

In  times  of  danger  he  is  one  of  the  coolest  of 
men.  On  the  1st  of  April,  1850,  he  being  then 
the  Governor  of  Oajaca,  a portion  of  the  Guerrero  battalion, 
then  garrisoned  in  the  city,  pronounced  against  him. 
Juarez  met  them  at  once,  having  only  a cane  in  his  hand, 
and  his  presence  among  them,  while  the  balls  were  even  then 
flying  around  him,  sufficed  to  put  down  the  revolt.  In 
1861,  when  Marquez  was  attacking  the  city  of  Mexico, 
and  while  the  Governor  of  the  Palace,  who  was  a gene- 
ral,  sought  shelter,  Juarez  stood  calmly  giving  his  orders 
at  the  very  time  when  the  news  of  the  advance  of  the 
enemy  seemed  most  alarming. 

The  object  of  this  work  has  been  simply  to 
cause  the  life  of  Juarez  to  be  known  ; not  to 
defend  him,  nor  to  praise  him.  He  needs  neither  defence 
nor  praise.  The  name  of  Juarez  has  acquired  its  own  his- 
toric fame,  without  the  aid  of  fawning  biographers,  or  of 
paid  historians.  Those  of  his  acts  which  were  most 
opposed  at  the  time,  have  in  the  end  received  the  appro- 
bation of  his  most  bitter  enemies.  Impartial  history  will 


The  actB  of 
his  Life. 


154 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Prospects  of 
Mexico. 


record  its  verdict ; and  a nation  will  testify  its  appro- 
val or  disapproval  of  the  acts  of  his  life, 
mstory  of  It  has  been  quite  incompatible  with  the  object 

of  this  brief  memoir,  to  blend  the  history  of 
Mexico,  during  the  last  eight  years,  with  the  life  of  Jua- 
rez, as  important  as  it  is  that  both  should  be  known,  and 
as  intimately  and  indissolubly  as  they  are  interwoven 
together.  Not  an  incident  or  act  has  been  cited  in  this 
narrative,  which  flattery  can  claim  as  her  own.  The  sim- 
ple, truthful  record  of  historic  facts  will  be  his  lasting 
memorial,  in  the  annals  of  the  Republic,  for  his  country- 
men, and  for  humanity  struggling  for  the  “ rights  of  man;11 
and  for  posterity,  a monument  to  Juarez  more  enduring 
than  marble  or  brass. 

When  this  brief  life  of  Senor  Juarez  was 
undertaken,  the  political  horizon  of  the  Mexican 
Republic  was  exceedingly  obscured.  The  defections  of 
men  whom  the  liberal  party  had  elevated  among  them- 
selves were  the  order  of  the  day.  Juarez  was  then  upon 
his  third  pilgrimage  from  Monterey  to  Chihuahua,  trav- 
ersing vast  deserts,  seeing  himself  abandoned  by  his 
friends,  whom  disease,  the  scarcity  of  means,  desertion,  and 
death  had  scattered  in  every  direction.  On  this  journey 
the  serenity  and  firmness  of  Juarez  in  adversity  were 
most  remarkable. 

During  these  dark  days,  when  all  his  family 
were  in  a foreign  land,  he  learned  that  two  of 
his  children  were  at  the  point  of  death  without  his  having 
the  consolation  of  seeing  them  die.  The  conservative 
journals  brought  him  the  news  that  his  eldest  son  had  dis- 
appeared in  the  streets  of  New  Orleans.  Such  accumula- 
tion of  trials,  public,  domestic,  and  personal,  test  and 
reveal  the  character.  And  all  who  under  these  circum- 


Trials  of  the 
Patriots. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


155 


Desire  for 
private  life. 


stances,  had  opportunity  to  witness  the  conduct  of  Juarez, 
to  approach  him,  or  to  speak  to  him,  learned  to  honor  the 
patriot,  the  father,  and  the  man.  He  never  lost  hope. 
He  encouraged  the  doubtful  and  weak-minded,  assuring 
them  of  the  final  salvation  of  the  Republic. 

Subsequently  to  these  events  a most  honora- 
ble opportunity  was  presented  to  him  to  end  his 
sufferings,  and  to  retire  to  private  life  with  a conscience 
entirely  at  ease,  satisfied  that  he  had  discharged  his  duties 
beyond  the  measure  by  which  most  men  recognize  their 
obligations.  His  position  had  in  it  nothing  attractive  to 
him.  But  his  friends  pressed  him  to  continue  his  efforts 
to  serve  and  save  the  country  from  anarchy  and  ruin. 
And  he  continued  to  carry  high  aloft,  and  with  honor, 
the  “ Banner  of  the  Republic.” 

On  the  8th  of  November,  1865,  in  virtue  of 
the  ample  powers  which  the  Nation  through  its 
representatives  had  conceded  to  him  on  four  distinct  occa- 
sions, he  extended  the  period  during  which  he  was  to 
occupy  the  presidential  office.  The  entire  nation  has  not, 
certainly,  discussed  the  legality  of  this  measure,  but  it  has 
said,  with  one  voice,  “ Mexico  will  not  feel  that  it  has 
received  full  amends  for  foreign  intervention,  until  it  shall 
see  J uarez  again  in  the  occupation  of  the  palace  of  Mon- 
tezuma.” 

The  name  of  Juarez  is  now  the  watchword  of  inde- 
pendence for  all  true  Mexicans,  and  the  terror  of  those 
traitors  who,  foreseeing  their  doom,  would  seek  to  shun 
the  perspective  of  their  terrible  punishment. 

May  God,  in  his  mercy,  save  Mexico. 


The  desire 
of  Mexico. 


156 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  following  correspondence  will  explain  the  origin  of 
this  work,  and  the  circumstances  which  called  forth  the 
correction  of  one  or  two  of  its  errors,  and  a verification  of 
the  accuracy  of  its  other  statements,  so  honorable  to  the 
subject  of  the  memoir. 


Washington,  September  22,  1866. 

To  Seilor  Don  Juan  Macias, 

Editor  of  “ La  Voz  de  la  America,”  New  York : 

My  esteemed  Sir — In  numbers  21  and  22  of  the  second 
volume  of  “La  Voz  de  la  America,”  corresponding  to 
the  10th  and  20th  of  July  last,  there  were  published 
some  biographical  sketches  of  Mr.  Juarez,  President  of 
the  Mexican  Republic,  which  are  the  most  complete  and 
correct  of  those  which  up  to  this  period  have  appeared. 
Having  forwarded  them  to  Mr.  Juarez  for  his  examination, 
it  seems  that  they  still  contain  some  inaccuracies,  which  have 
now  been  corrected  by  the  very  person  whose  life  is  treated 
of,  in  the  two  letters  dated  at  Chihuahua  the  20th  and 
27th  of  August  last,  1866,  copies  of  which  I transmit  to 
you,  requesting  you,  if  you  deem  it  proper,  to  be  pleased 
to  insert  them  in  your  valuable  journal. 

I am,  sir,  your  very  obedient  servant, 

M.  ROMERO. 

Chihuahua,  August  20th,  1866. 

Senor  Don  Matias  Romero : 

My  esteemed  Friend — With  your  letter  of  the  14th  of 
July  last,  I received  two  pages  of  the  journal  called  “ La 
Voz  de  La  America,”  number  21,  which  you  Avere  pleased 
to  send  me,  in  Avhich  it  begins  the  publication  of  a bio- 
graphical article  which  Avas  sent  to  you  from  Mexico.  I 
thank  you,  as  also  the  author  of  the  article,  for  the  inter- 
est you  take  in  making  knoAvn  to  the  public  the  acts  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


157 


tny  life,  judging  of  me  through  them  in  the  most  favorable 
manner,  and  which  I do  not  deserve.  I should  here  close 
my  reply  to  your  said  letter,  but  having  noticed  some 
errors  in  the  account  given  of  certain  facts,  I will  make 
some  remarks  upon  the  subject. 

Whenever  similar  articles  have  hitherto  appeared  un- 
der the  head  of  anonymous  publications,  I have  not  cared 
to  correct  the  errors  as  to  facts  which  they  contain  in  rela- 
tion to  my  public  life  ; but  since  you  have  had  the  good- 
ness to  authorize  by  your  signature,  the  publication  of  the 
article  referred  to,  I think  myself  in  duty  bound,  to  correct 
some  tacts,  of  which  neither  yourself  nor  the  person  who 
wrote  it,  could  have  had  an  exact  knowledge,  and  they 
are  the  following  : 

First , That  in  1846,  when  General  Santa  Anna  pre- 
sented himself  on  the  frontiers  of  the  State  of  Oajaca,  he 
demanded  that  the  command  should  be  delivered  to  him, 
in  order  to  continue  the  war. 

Second , That  in  November,  1855,  I availed  myself  of 
the  absence  of  Mr.  Comonfort  to  procure  from  the  Presi- 
dent, Don  Juan  Alvarez,  his  signature  to  the  law  for  the 
administration  of  justice,  which  was  then  declared. 

Third,  That  when,  on  the  20th  of  March,  1858,  my 
escort  was  attacked  and  besieged  at  Santa- Ana  Acotlan, 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  D.  Antonio  Landa,  in  the  State  of 
Jalisco,  T proposed  to  the  Ministers  who  accompanied  me, 
to  deliver  me  up  to  the  enemy,  in  order  to  save  themselves. 

I will  here  state  to  you  what  really  occurred  with  ref- 
erence to  each  of  these  events,  that  you  may  have  them 
corrected  in  such  manner  as  you  may  deem  proper. 

I.  So  soon  as  I took  charge  of  the  government  of  the 

o o 

State  of  Oajaca,  in  1847,  the  supporters  of  the  unlawful 
administration  which  had  just  disappeared,  united  to  those 


158 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


who  desired  the  return  of  Mr.  Arteaga  to  the  government, 
began  to  take  active  measures  for  creating  a revolt,  which 
would  bring  about  the  realization  of  their  wishes ; and 
thus  compelled  the  government,  then  engaged  in  preparing 
for  the  defence  of  the  State  against  the  foreign  invasion, 
to  adopt  the  necessary  measures  for  the  preservation  of 
the  public  order.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  news  was 
received  that  General  Santa  Anna,  who  had  already 
abandoned  the  command  of  the  army  of  the  Republic,  had 
arrived  at  the  city  of  Tehuacan  with  the  intention  of  pro- 
ceeding to  the  capital  of  Oajaca. 

This  news  encouraged  the  disturbers  of  the  public  or- 
der at  the  said  capital,  who  redoubled  their  efforts  by 
writing  and  sending  agents  to  General  Santa  Anna  for 
the  purpose  of  advising  him  to  hasten  his  march.  The 
city  council  addressed  me  a protest,  and  the  legislature  a 
remonstrance  in  no  event  to  permit  the  coming  of  said 
General,  because  his  presence  in  the  city,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances would  be  dangerous  to  the  public  peace.  I 
then  ordered  the  Governor  of  the  department  of  Teotitlan 
del  Camino,  that  in  the  event  that  General  Santa  Anna 
should  enter  the  territory  of  the  State,  he  should  inform 
him,  he  could  pass  through  and  remain  in  any  town  there- 
of, except  the  capital  and  its  neighborhood.  General 
Santa  Anna  did  enter  the  territory  of  the  State,  remained 
some  days  in  Teotitlan,  and  afterwards  withdrew  towards 
Orizaba,  without  having  demanded  that  the  command 
should  be  delivered  to  him. 

II.  When  Mr.  Alvarez  reached  the  city  of  Mexico  in 
1855,  the  first  subject  to  which  he  directed  his  attention 
was,  the  reorganization  of  the  public  administration, 
owing  to  which,  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  cabinet  which 
was  held,  he  directed  that  each  of  the  Ministers  should 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


159 


prepare  in  their  respective  branches,  and  present  to  him 
such  projects  of  laws  and  regulations  as  ought  to  be  decreed 
with  that  object. 

I at  once  manifested  that  in  my  view,  it  was  indis- 
pensable to  introduce  some  reforms  in  the  branch  of  the 
administration  of  justice,  by  annulling  or  modifying,  for 
the  time  being,  the  dispositions  which  gave  life  to  the 
especial  tribunals , because  they  were  notoriously  injurious 
to  society  in  consequence  of  the  abuse  of  them,  by  the 
classes  in  whose  favor  they  were  decreed,  and  as  being  in 
open  conflict  with  the  principle  of  equality  which  the  nation, 
in  the  last  revolution,  which  had  just  then  triumphed,  had 
proposed  to  carry  into  effect. 

Mr.  Alvarez  consented  to  this  proposition,  and  Mr. 
Comonfort  did  not  oppose  it.  With  this  understanding,  I 
drew  up  the  project  of  the  law,  for  the  administration  of 
justice,  which  I presented  to  the  President,  that  it  might 
be  taken  into  consideration.  When  I spoke  to  Mr.  Coinon- 
fort  respecting  this  business,  he  informed  me  that,  having 
an  overwhelming  amount  of  work  in  his  ministry,  it  would 
be  impossible  for  him  to  attend  to  the  reading  and  exami- 
nation of  the  project,  but  that  it  could  be  acted  upon 
without  his  attendance,  it  being  understood  that  he  would 
agree  to  whatever  should  be  decided  upon. 

The  President  named  a day  to  discuss  this  business ; 
and  at  the  appointed  hour,  Mr.  Alvarez  stated  that  Mr. 
Comonfort  did  not  attend  the  council,  because  he  had  gone 
out  of  the  city  to  attend  to  some  family  matters.  Then, 
and  considering  that  the  administration  of  justice  was 
estoped,  for  the  want  of  magistrates  and  judges  lawfully 
named,  the  President  directed  that  the  disposal  of  this 
business  should  no  longer  be  delayed.  The  project  of 
law  to  which  I allude  having  been  read,  discussed,  and 


160 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


approved,  Mr.  Alvarez  ordered  that  it  should  be  printed 
and  published  as  a law,  without  there  having  occurred  in 
the  matter,  either  surprise  or  stratagem  of  any  nature. 

III.  With  reference  to  the  affair  at  Santa- Ana  Acotlan, 
I have  to  say,  that  after  the  firing  commenced  between  the 
small  force  which  accompanied  me,  and  that  commanded 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Landa,  General  Don  Francisco 
Iniestra,  who  then  commanded  my  escort,  informed  me 
that  if  the  enemy  made  an  assault,  our  capture  would  be 
inevitable,  because  the  ammunition  was  about  giving  out, 
the  building  in  which  we  were  was  very  weak,  and  the 
enemy  had  nearly  six  hundred  men,  and  our  force  did  not 
amount  to  over  sixty,  which  he  made  known  to  me,  that  I 
might  think  of  some  mode  of  escape,  and  give  him  my 
orders,  with  which  he  would  comply  to  the  letter,  as  in 
duty  bound. 

I made  known  to  the  Ministers  who  accompanied  me, 
what  Mr.  Iniestra  had  just  communicated  to  me,  and  said 
to  them  that  my  opinion  was,  that  they  and  the  other 
employes  who  composed  my  retinue,  could  leave  the  build- 
ing, taking  all  the  possible  precautions  to  avoid  being- 
seen  by  the  enemy,  and  conceal  themselves  in  some  of  the 
houses  of  the  town,  or  take  to  the  open  field,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  consequences  of  an  assault,  which  the  enemy 
would  undoubtedly  make  during  that  evening  or  on  the 
morning  of  the  following  day  ; that  I would  remain  to 
share  the  fate  of  our  force  ; and  that  the  means  of  salva- 
tion which  I indicated  to  them,  was  not  unbecoming  to 
them,  because,  as  they  were  not  exercising  any  military 
command  whatever  at  the  time,  nor  Avere  appointed  to  re- 
main constantly  Avith  me,  in  a situation  when  nothing  could 
be  done  in  matters  of  government,  they  were  not  under 
the  same  strict  obligation  as  I Avas,  to  remain  at  my  post, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


161 


under  similar  circumstances.  They,  however,  answered 
me  in  a positive  and  decided  manner,  that  they  would  not 
accept  my  proposal,  whatever  might  be  my  fate.  I thanked 
them,  and  ordered  that,  if  during  the  rest  of  the  evening 
an  assault  was  not  made,  we  should  avail  ourselves  of  the 
night  to  break  through  the  siege,  the  only  means  of  safety 
which  was  left  us.  This  order  was  communicated  to  Mr. 
Iniestra,  and  we  began  our  march  at  eleven  o’clock  the 
same  night. 

I will  thank  you  to  send  me  the  rest  of  the  article 
which  has  caused  this  long  letter,  in  case  there  should  be 
some  other  public  fact  which  should  be  corrected  by  me. 

I remain  your  affectionate  friend, 

BENITO  JUAREZ. 

Chihuahua,  August  27t1i,  1866. 
Sefior  Matias  Romero,  W askington  : 

My  dear  Friend — I received  at  the  same  time  your 
letters  of  the  26th  and  28th  of  July  last,  and  the  strips 
enclosed. 

■X-  * ^ # •X- 

I also  received  the  last  part  of  the  biography  published 
in  “ La  Yoz  de  la  America.”  By  the  previous  mail  I sent 
you  a letter,  in  which  I call  your  attention  to  the  inaccuracy 
which  appears  in  it,  respecting  some  events  of  my  public 
life.  I have  nothing  more  to  add  thereto. 

I remain  your  affectionate  friend, 

BENITO  JUAREZ. 

In  order  to  give  an  idea  of  the  events  in  the  life  of 
Juarez  to  iVliich  the  author  of  this  biographical  sketch  has 
not  been  able  to  refer,  the  following  extracts  from  a let- 
ter of  Senor  Romero’s  will  bring  the  narrative  down  to 
June,  1866. 

11 


162 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Washington,  December  1,  1866. 
$$$$$$ 

Of  the  history  of  Senor  Juarez  after  his  departure 
from  Mexico,  there  has  been  little  or  nothing  written. 

^ vs* 

While  he  was  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  there  was  a change 
of  cabinet  brought  about  by  General  Doblado,  Governor 
of  the  State  of  Guanajuato,  and  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  same  State.  Doblado,  Comonfort  and  Lerdo  de  Te- 
jada went  into  the  new  cabinet,  which  was  organized  on 
the  1st  of  September : the  first  named  withdrew  there- 
from, in  less  than  one  week,  the  third  named  person  tak- 
ing the  place  of  the  former.  With  reference  to  General 
Comonfort,  lie  afterwards  took  the  command  of  the  army, 
and  was,  very  shortly  thereafter  assassinated,  by  a party  of 
the  allies  of  the  French. 

President  Juarez  committed  the  defence  of  San  Luis 
to  General  Negrete,  and  that  of  Morelia,  to  General 
[Jrao;a,  who  had  succeeded  Comonfort  in  the  command  of 
the  army.  Both  of  them  abandoned  these  cities,  and  at- 
tempted subsequently  to  recapture  them,  when  already 
occupied  by  the  enemy,  but  without  success. 

It  is  related  of  President  Juarez  that,  while  on  the 
road,  and  hearing  that  San  Luis  had  been  abandoned,  he 
caused  his  escort  to  return,  so  that  by  uniting  it  with  the 
forces  commanded  by  General  Negrete,  it  might  contrib- 
ute to  the  reoccupation  of  that  city. 

The  people  of  Nuevo  Leon  and  Coahuila  * finally  rose 
en  mas-se  against  Vidaurri,  and  compelled  him  to  flee  to 
Mexico,  where  Maximilian  appointed  him  a Councillor  of 
State.  The  disappointments  which  Vidaurri  caused  to 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


163 


Juarez  while  on  his  way  to  Saltillo,  brought  on  a bilious 
fever,  which  came  near  causing  the  death  of  the  President, 
The  forces  brought  from  Guanajuato  and  Zacatecas,  by 
Generals  Doblado  and  Gonzales  Ortega,  contributed  in  a 
great  degree  to  the  successes  obtained  against  Vidaurri. 
While  on  his  way  to  Chihuahua,  Juarez  stopped  succes- 
sively with  the  government  at  Viezca,  Mapimi,  and  Nazas 
for  some  days,  in  order  to  organize  into  a single  corps 
the  numerous  and  well-disciplined  forces  which  he  still 
had,  and  which  came  from  the  States  of  Zacatecas,  Du- 
rango, and  Chihuahua.  The  command  in  chief  was  given 
to  General  Ortega,  his  second  in  command  being  General 
Patoni.  These  forces,  which  fought  bravely  at  the  battle 
of  Majorica  (September  21st,  1864),  were  finally  beaten 
and  dispersed  in  the  retreat,  in  consequence  of  the  discour- 
agement which  had  seized  its  leader. 

O 

On  the  12th  of  October,  1864,  the  President  arrived  at 
Chihuahua,  where  the  government  was  at  once  estab- 
lished. The  demonstrations  of  affection  with  which  Mr. 
Juarez  was  received  in  that  city,  and  at  the  towns  in  his 
transit,  were  of  the  most  extraordinary  kind.  The  Minis- 
ter of  Foreign  Affairs  reported  them  in  his  circular  of  the 
5th  of  November. 

General  Negrete,  who  had  taken  charge  of  the  minis- 
try of  war,*  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Comonfort, 
marched  with  all  the  forces,  of  which  he  could  dispose  in 
Chihuahua,  to  the  frontier  of  Durango,  and  reenforcing 
them  with  the  troops  of  this  State,  he  traversed  an  im- 
mense distance,  almost  deserted,  until  he  entered  the  State 
of  Coahuila.  Here,  without  meeting  with  resistance,  he 
occupied  the  city  of  Saltillo,,  which  had  already  been  car- 
ried by  assault,  on  the  31st  of  March,  1865,  by  the  patriots 
of  that  State,  under  the  command  of  General  Viezca.  He 


164 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


arrived  at  Parras,  where,  as  early  as  the  15th,  the  garrison 
of  the  enemy  had  pronounced  for  the  Republic. 

In  the  beginning  of  April,  he  occupied  Monterey, 
which  had  beep  evacuated  by  the  invaders,  upon  his  ap- 
proach, and  he  would  have  taken  possession  of  Matamoros, 
before  which  he  arrived,  had  it  not  been  for  a misunder- 
standing. He  had  been  led  to  believe  that  the  confede- 
rate commanders  at  Brownsville  would  aid  with  southern 
forces  the  traitors  then  shut  up  in  that  city.  The  evi- 
dences of  sympathy  which  have  existed  between  the  con- 
federates and  the  traitors,  since  that  time,  have  been  very 
decided. 

He  then  undertook  his  retreat  to  Chihuahua,  unneces- 
sarily, as  the  government  thought,  and  lost  a great  portion 
of  his  force  in  the  desert,  besides  causing  great  injury  by 
thus  permitting  the  enemy  to  extend  its  lines  again,  over 
the  States  of  Coahuila  and  Nuevo  Leon,  and  to  send  a de- 
tachment of  a strong  column  against  the  city  of  Chihua- 
hua. This  compelled  Juarez  to  leave  that  city  on  the  5th 
of  August,  1865,  for  Paso  del  Norte,  where  he  established 
his  government  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month. 

In  the  circular  of  Mr.  Lerdo  de  Tejada  of  that  date, 
and  again  in  a letter  of  the  President’s  to  a friend,  which 
was  published  at  the  time,  he  declared  his  firm  determina- 
tion of  never  abandoning  the  soil  of  Mexico,  and  of  main- 
taining the  contest,  against  the  invaders. 

In  this  letter,  the  indomitable  energy  of  Juarez  is  mani- 
fested, in  the  most  conspicuous  manner,  and  also  his  faith 
in  the  final  success  of  the  national  cause. 

The  French  abandoned  Chihuahua,  towards  the  end  of 
October,  being  compelled  to  concentrate  their  forces,  by 
reason  of  the  rising  of  the  country  against  them.  On  the 
13th  of  November  following,  Juarez  left  Paso  del  Norte 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


165 


for  that  capital.  He  arrived  there  on  the  20th,  meeting 
with  the  same  enthusiastic  reception,  which  he  had  received 
on  his  first  visit. 

On  this  occasion,  however,  he  did  not  remain  in  Chihua- 
hua longer  than  nineteen  days  ; for,  on  the  9th  of  the  follow- 
ing month  of  December,  he  again  went  to  Paso  del  Norte, 
where  he  set  up  the  government  on  the  18th.  The  cause 
of  this  sudden  return,  was  the  unexpected  approach  of 
the  French,  who  retraced  their  steps,  changing  their  pur- 
pose in  a manner  which  could  not  be  accounted  for. 

The  city  of  Chihuahua  having  been  again  and  finally 
evacuated  by  the  French,  J uarez  set  out  from  El  Paso  on 
the  10th  of  June,  1866,  and  a second  time  established  the 
national  government  at  the  capital  of  that  State,  on  the 
17th  of  the  same  month. 

The  difficulties,  embarrassments,  and  great  depriva- 
tions, both  personal  and  to  his  government,  which  Juarez 
suffered,  on  the  two  occasions  that  he  was  at  El  Paso,  can 
neither  be  estimated  nor  even  conceived  by  those  who 
have  not  closely  noted  these  passing  events. 

% S 

Among  the  evidences  of  respect  and  sympathy  which 
Mr.  Juarez  has  received  from  abroad,  and  after  his  depart- 
ure from  the  city  of  Mexico,  may  be  enumerated  the  de- 
cree of  the  Congress  of  Colombia,  declaring  that  he  has 
deserved  well  of  America,  and  directing  his  portrait  to  be 
kept  in  the  National  Library  at  Bogota,  “as  an  homage 
to  his  virtues,  and  as  an  example  to  the  youths  of  Colom- 
bia.'” This  decree,  of  the  1st  of  May,  1865,  was  communi- 
cated to  President  Juarez,  by  the  Mexican  Legation  at 
Washington. 

The  people  of  Montevideo,  the  capital  of  the  Kepublic 
of  Uruguay,  upon  hearing  of  the  death  of  General  Zara- 


1G6 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


goza,  the  conqueror  of  the  French,  to  whom  they  had 
voted  a medal,  dedicated  and  sent  it  to  Juarez  through 
the  same  channel? 

The  demonstrations  of  every  nature,  made  throughout 
the  United  States,  in  honor  of  President  Juarez,  are  so 
numerous,  that  it  is  impossible  to  give  an  account  of  them 
in  a few  words. 

From  Europe  itself,  from  Belgium,  whose  princess 
Charlotte  has  been  called  the  Empress  of  Mexico,  Presi- 
dent Juarez  has  received  assurances  of  sympathy  for  his 
cause,  and  respect  for  his  person,  forwarded  by  the  socie- 
ties known  as  “ The  Union  of  the  Civic  Guard  of  Liege,” 
and  the  “ League  of  the  Lower  Countries  of  Antwerp.” 

And  finally,  even  Maximilian  himself,  in  his  mani- 
festo issued  upon  its  becoming  known  at  the  City  of  Mexi- 
co that  Juarez  had  gone  to  El  Paso,  even  though  he  falsely 
accused  him  of  having  abandoned  the  national  territory, 
could  do  no  less  than  extol  his  perseverance  in  the  defence 
of  his  cause,  as  he  is  pleased  to  term  that  of  the  Nation. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


167 


JUAREZ  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

The  following  descriptions  of  President  Juarez  and  his 
Cabinet,  are  from  the  pen  and  personal  knowledge  of 
Colonel  George  E.  Church,  whose  Historical  and  Political 
Review  of  Mexico  and  its  Revolutions,  is  the  ablest  paper 
on  the  subject,  that  has  appeared  in  our  country. 

BENITO  JUAREZ. 

“ There  is  an  ordinary  looking  house  at  Chihuahua, 
with  a single  sentinel  at  the  door.  Two  or  three  aids 
occupy  the  rooms  on  the  right  of  an  interior  court-yard. 
On  the  opposite  side  of  this  is  the  office  of  the  Minister 
of  the  Interior;  on  the  immediate  right  that  of  Foreign 
Relations,  and  on  the  left  that  of  the  President,  in  whose 
hands  has  rested  the  destiny  of  Mexico  since  the  French 
invasion.  Entering  the  parlor  on  the  left,  you  find  that, 
like  every  other  surrounding  of  the  government,  it  is  a type 
of  republican  simplicity.  The  only  ornaments  are  a few 
historical  paintings  hanging  upon  the  walls.  Among  them 
is  a portrait  of  Iturbide.  Pushing  aside  the  curtains  from 
the  door  of  an  interior  room,  a quiet,  unassuming  man  ad- 
vances to  meet  you.  A courteous  greeting,  a frank  grasp 
of  the  hand,  and  a cordial  invitation  to  be  seated,  place  you 
at  once  at  your  ease,  and  you  prepare  to  study  the  Indian 
before  you.  He  is,  perhaps,  five  feet  five  inches  in  height, 
thick  set,  and  with  a broad  full  chest,  which  gives  him  a 
powerful  vitality.  A bold  rounded  and  high  forehead, 
very  slightly  receding  from  a vertical  line,  eyes  large  and 
swimming  in  liquid  blackness,  finely  cut  eye-brows,  arched 


168 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


and  curving  far  back  ; a goodly  development  of  practical 
as  well  as  theoretical  brain  ; the  nose  as  well  as  the  other 
features  rather  heavy  ; a large  mouth ; a head  good-sized, 
well  balanced,  and  seated  firmly  upon  a pair  of  broad 
shoulders  by  a short  neck,  are  the  main  features  of  the 
man.  While  at  rest,  his  Indian  colored  features  do  not 
show  the  power  behind  them  ; but  once  kindled  to  action, 
the  brain  illuminates  every  one  of  them,  and  the  black 
eyes  flash  a peculiar  light,  as  if  to  give  more  forcible  ex- 
pression to  his  language.  A quiet,  unyielding  determina- 
tion and  a firm  reliance  upon  selfj  are  the  impressions  you 
gain  of  him  upon  acquaintance.  You  converse  upon 
politics  and  find  that  your  ideas  are  not  more  thoroughly 
republican  than  his  ; you  speak  of  war,  and  his  military 
knowledge  meets  you  half  way;  you  turn  to  political 
economy  and  find  that  you  propose  nothing  that  he  has 
not  analyzed,  and  you  finally  leave  him  with  the  impres- 
sion that  you  have  met  one  of  the  ablest  men  that  Mexico 
has  produced.” 

DON  SEBASTIAN  LERDO  DE  TEJADA,  MINISTER  OF  STATE. 

“The  Secretary  of  State  is  a small  man,  but  of  good 
physical  organization.  Modest,  unassuming,  and  thor- 
oughly republican,  an  indefatigable  worker,  a close  stu- 
dent, and  an  able  statesman  ; cool,  clear,  and  logical  in 
argument ; he  is  invaluable  to  the  government  in  these 
troublous  times.” 

“ He  is  about  the  size  of  the  President.  His  features 
are  Roman ; a bold  fine  forehead,  swelling  with  intel- 
lectual wealth,  a well-cut  nose  and  chin,  and  a large  well- 
balanced  head.  An  open  and  generous  expression  of  the 
face,  with  a mild  but  thoughtful  and  intelligent  gray  eye, 
make  you  desire  his  friendship  at  once  ; while  a frank  and 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


169 


even  warm  reception  of  any  friend  of  the  cause  in  which 
he  so  earnestly  labors,  gives  you  a favorable  impression 
of  Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  A very  pure  diction  in 
French,  and  a fine  command  of  language,  make  him  a very 
agreeable  conversationist.  Senor  Tejada  was  born  in 
Jalapa,  in  the  state  of  Vera  Cruz,  in  the  year  1825.  His 
education,  commenced  at  Puebla,  was  finished  at  the  city 
of  Mexico.  Although  a lawyer  by  profession,  he  was  for 
many  years  President  of  the  College  of  San  Ildefonso,  in 
Mexico.  In  1856  and  1857,  he  was  Magistrate  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Justice  of  Mexico.  In  1857,  under 
Comonfort,  he  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations,  and 
from  1861  to  1863  was  a deputy  to  the  National  Congress, 
being  President  of  the  same,  when  on  the  31st  of  May, 
1863,  it  closed  its  last  session.” 

“In  the  ministerial  combination  which  General  Doblado 
formed  in  San  Luis,  in  the  beginning  of  September,  1863, 
he  became  the  Minister  of  Justice.  This  combination 
having  violently  transcended  its  powers,  he,  the  same 
month  and  year  refused  to  serve  in  the  position,  and  was 
made  Secretary  of  State  under  President  Juarez,  which 
position  he  has  since  that  time  constantly  filled,  and  has 
been  a firm  supporter  of  the  cause,  following  the  govern- 
ment in  all  its  movements  from  place  to  place.” 

DON  JOSE  MARIA  YGLESIAS,  MINISTER  OF  THE  HOME  DEPART- 
MENT. 

“ In  the  Minister  of  Justice  we  have  another  indefatiga- 
ble  worker ; a bee  whom  it  is  impossible  to  find  idle. 
His  desk,  covered  with  piles  of  books,  papers,  and  manu- 
scripts, gives  you  the  idea  that  you  have  entered  the  sanc- 
tum of  an  editor.  You  are  cordially  greeted  by  a small 
but  well-formed  man,  dressed  with  scrupulous  neatness. 


170 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


A full-sized  head,  with  a finely  organized  brain,  a quickly 
moving  black  eye,  lighting  up  a high  and  well-developed 
forehead,  the  hair  cut-  very  close,  a pair  of  gold-bowed 
spectacles,  and  the  whole  face  having  no  salient  or  marked 
features,  will  cause  you  to  exclaim,  ‘ Here  is  a college 
president,  a student,  or  a philosopher.1  He  speaks  French 
fluently,  has  a nervous,  impulsive  address,  and  a courtier- 
like politeness,  which  a long  life  of  court  contact  has  pol- 
ished into  perfect  ease  of  speech  and  action.  To-day, 
however,  the  man  is  all  business.” 

“ Jose  Maria  Yglesias  was  born  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
is  now  forty-three  years  of  age,  and  is  a lawyer  by  profes- 
sion. He  has  been  principal  editor  of  several  periodicals 
and  journals,  such  as  Don  Simplicie , La  Cliinaca , El 
Republicano , El  Monitor , El  Siglo  XIX. , the  Diario 
Official , and  LJl  Album.  Some  of  these  journals  took 
rank  as  the  foremost  in  the  capital  during  their  publi- 
cation. In  1844,  ’45,  ’46  he  was  Professor  of  Philosophy 
and  Law  in  the  College  of  San  Gregorio  of  Mexico,  and 
in  the  same  years,  Professor  of  Languages  in  the  College 
of  S.  Ildefonso  of  the  same  city ; while  at  the  same  time 
he  occupied  a seat  in  the  City  Council.  1847  and  1848 
found  him  one  of  the  Ministers  of  the  Tribunal  of  War ; 
while,  about  the  middle  of  the  latter  year,  he  became  also 
Auditor  of  the  Army.  In  1851,  ’52,  ’53  he  served  as  Chief 
of  the  Section  of  Public  Credit,  and  was  also  a deputy  to 
the  General  Congress  in  1852.  In  1855  and  ’56  he  was 
Chief  of  Section  in  the  Finance  Department ; was  Minis- 
ter of  Justice  and  Public  instruction  from  January  to 
May,  1857,  and  also  a Minister  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Justice  in  the  same  year,  under  Comonfort’s  administra- 
tion. From  1860  to  1861  he  beame  General  Adminis- 
trator of  Taxes,  and  in  the  latter  year,  chief  officer  of  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


171 


Finance  Department.  From  1861  to  1863,  Administra- 
tor of  the  Custom  House  of  Mexico.” 

“ Having  left  the  city  of  Mexico  as  a private  individual, 
rather  than  live  under  the  shadow  of  the  French  inter- 
vention, he  went  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  there,  on  the 
12th  of  September,  1863,  was  named  Minister  of  Justice, 
Public  Improvement,  and  Public  Instruction.  On  the 
12th  of  January,  1864,  he  also  took  charge  of  the  Depart- 
ments of  Finance  and  Public  Credit.  From  these  dates 
he  has  filled  both  positions  with  much  credit.  He  has 
accompanied  the  general  government  in  all  its  peregrina- 
tions, as  a member  of  the  Cabinet  of  President  Juarez, 
without  separating  from  his  side.  He  has  in  conse- 
quence, been  in  San  Luis  Potosi,  in  Saltillo,  in  Monterey, 
in  Chihuahua  three  times,  and  twice  in  El  Paso  del 
Norte.” 

DON  IGNACIO  MEJIA,  MINISTER  OP  AVAR  AND  MARINE. 

“The  Minister  of  War  and  Marine  was  born  in  Tiinat- 
lan,  in  the  State  of  Oajaca,  on  the  14th  of  August,  1814. 
He  is  rather  above  the  medium  height.  His  erect,  but 
lithe  and  military  bearing  scarcely  indicates  thirty-three 
years  of  rough  campaigning  in  the  cause  of  ‘ liberty  and 
reform.’  A fine,  bold  forehead,  of  marked  intelligence, 
with  the  reasoning  poivers  Avell  developed,  a firm  gray 
eye,  regular  features  which  are  tinged  with  a soldierly 
bronze,  a frank  grasp  of  the  hand  indicative  of  a firm 
friend  or  a bold  enemy — as  you  will — and  you  have  Major- 
General  Ignacio  Mejia.  He  is  a townsman  of  President 
Juarez,  and,  from  boyhood  up  to  the  present,  they  have 
fought  side  by  side  in  the  same  great  cause.” 

“ General  Mejia  received  his  education  at  the  capital  of 
Oajaca,  finally  graduating  with  honors  from  the  College 


172 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  Sciences  and  Arts  of  that  State.  He  is  still  a close  stu- 
dent, and  speaks  English  and  French  with  fluency.  In 
18*29,  upon  menace  of  a Spanish  invasion,  he  entered  the 
National  Guard  as  a soldier.  1833  found  him  a Captain 
of  grenadiers,  opposing  the  National  Church  party  under 
Generals  Arista  and  Duran.  In  1846-47,  as  colonel  of 
a battalion,  he  became  a marked  man  as  a bold  advocate 
of  Vice-President  Farias,  to  confiscate  apart  of  the  church 
property  to  carry  on  the  American  war.  The  same  years 
he  Avas  a deputy  to  the  Congress  of  Oajaca.  From  1850 
to  1852  he  Avas  a Senator  to  the  same  Congress,  although 
during  a part  of  the  time  he  commanded  and  Avas  Go\'er- 
nor  of  the  province  of  Tehuantepec,  and  also  Governor  of 
Oajaca.  Upon  the  triumph  of  the  revolution  of  Avutla,  in 
1855,  he  Avas  called  to  the  Council  of  State.  Soon  after,  he 
became  Chief  of  Staff  in  a brigade  commanded  by  President 
Juarez,  aaIio  marched  to  restore  order  in  Oajaca.  In  1857, 
again  a State  deputy.  The  same  year,  as  a Major-Gener- 
al, he  defeated  the  reactionists  in  a bloody  battle*,  raised 
the  siege  of  Oajaca,  pursued  them  to  Tehuantepec,  and 
completely  dispersed  them.  He  then,  in  command  of  a 
brigade,  marched  to  the  support  of  the  constitutional  gov- 
ernment at  Vera  Cruz,  Avhere  he  rendered  signal  service 
in  the  defeat  of  the  tAvo  attacks  of  Miramon  upon  that 
place.  In  command  of  the  second  brigade  of  Oajaca,  he 
again  distinguished  himself  in  several  actions  against  the 
reactionists,  but  after  the  defeat  of  the  liberals  at  Teotitlan, 
retired  with  them  again  to  Vera  Cruz.  In  1861,  after 
defeating  the  church  forces  under  Marcpiez  and  Mejia,  he 
became  Governor  of  Queretaro.  Upon  the  rallying  of 
Marquez,  he  beat  back  his  assault  upon  the  capital.  For 
signal  sendee  against  great  odds,  at  the  final  battle  against 
Marquez  and  Mejia,  at  Pacliuca,  he  Avon  the  title  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


173 


“heroic.”  At  the  defeat  of  the  French  at  Puebla,  May  5, 
1862,  lie  commanded  the  third  division  and  was  chief  of 
staff  of  the  army,  and  became  afterwards  Governor  and 
military  commander  of  the  State  of  Puebla.  At  the  great 
siege  of  Puebla  by  Fore}',  he  was  second  in  command,  and 
when  the  city  fell,  was  taken  a prisoner  of  war  to  France. 
Liberated  in  June,  1864,  he  came  to  the  United  States 
via  England.  On  the  18th  of  September,  1865,  he  was 
ordered  to  El  Paso  by  Juarez,  accompanied  him  to  Chi- 
huahua, was  named  General  of  Division  in  the  November 
following,  and  accompanied  the  government  again  to  El 
Paso,  where,  on  the  25th  of  December,  1865,  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  his  present  position.  Since  1855  he  has  seen 
constant  service.  In  storm  and  in  sunshine,  he  has  fought 
under  the  banner  of  ‘ Liberty  and  Reform  and  never  for 
a moment  has  favored  the  reactionary  cause.” 

DON  IGNACIO  MARESCAL,  MINISTEP.  OF  JUSTICE. 

Ignacio  Marescal  was  born  on  the  5th  of  July,  1829, 
in  the  city  of  Oajaca,  capital  of  Oajaca  State.  He  made 
there  his  studies,  and  practised  law  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
where  he  was  received  as  a lawyer  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  Republic,  in  December,  1849. 

In  1850  he  returned  to  Oajaca,  where  he  tvas  appoint- 
ed Promotor  fiscal  (Solicitor  General)  of  that  State,  in 
which  capacity  he  remained  until  March,  1853,  when  the 
revolution  that  placed  General  Santa  Anna  in  power  ex- 
pelled him  as  a liberal  from  his  native  city.  Then  he  went 
to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  he  employed  himself  in  prac- 
tising his  profession. 

In  1856  he  was  elected  by  his  State  a member  of  the 
National  Congress  (or  Convention)  which  made  the  Con- 
stitution of  1857.  Mr.  Marescal’s  name  consequently 


174 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


appears  as  one  of  the  deputies  from  Oajaca  that  signed 
said  Constitution,  now  in  vigor  for  the  Republic. 

During  1859  he  was  Supernumerary  judge  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  Oajaca. 

During  1860  he  was  Federal  Judge  for  the  circuit  of 
the  three  States  of  Vera  Cruz,  Puebla,  and  Oajaca,  the 
circuit  judges  in  the  Mexican  Republic  being  distinct  from 
those  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  next  under  them. 

In  1861  and  ’62  he  was  Representative  for  Oajaca  in 
the  National  Congress  of  that  time. 

Early  in  the  same  year,  1861,  he  had  been  appointed 
Counsellor  (Asesor)  of  the  Government  for  the  execution 
of  the  laws  of  disamortization. 

At  the  end  of  1862,  he  was  appointed  by  President 
Juarez  (according  to  extraordinary  powers  received  from 
Congress)  Supernumerary  J udge  (Ministro  Supernumerio) 
ad  interim  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Republic. 

At  the  beginning  of  1863  he  left  the  Supreme  Court, 
being  appointed  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  ad  interim 
by  Senor  Don  Juan  Antonio  de  la  Fuente,  then  the  Secre- 
tary. Mr.  Marescal  went  in  this  capacity,  with  President 
Juarez  and  Cabinet,  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  in  May  of  that 
year  (’63),  on  the  approach  of  the  French  to  the  city  of 
Mexico. 

In  August.  Senor  F uente  having  left  the  cabinet,  Mr. 
Marescal  resigned  his  temporary  office,  and  decided  to 
come  to  the  United  States,  as  Secretary  of  the  Mexican 
Legation,  with  Senor  Fuente,  who  had  just  been  appoint- 
ed Minister  Plenipotentiary  for  this  country.  He  started 
from  San  Luis  with  Senor  Fuente,  and  on  their  way,  this 
gentleman  had  another  appointment  within  the  coun- 
try, when  Mr.  Marescal  went  on  to  Matamoras,  and  in  the 
same  capacity  he  joined  there  Senor  Romero,  sent  as  an 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


175 


Envoy  Extraordinary  instead  of  Senor  Fuente.  Ever 
since,  Mr.  Marescal  lias  been  Secretary  of  the  Mexican 
Legation,  until  his  recent  return  to  Mexico,  and  appoint- 
ment as  Minister  of  Justice. 

DON  MATIAS  ROMERO,  MINISTER  OF  THE  TREASURY  AND  PUBLIC 

CREDIT. 

The  following  is  a faithful  translation  of  a Biographi- 
cal Sketch  of  Senor  Romero,  published  in  Geneva,  Swit- 
zerland, 1865,  by  “an  association  of  authors  of  different 
nations.”  It  is  issued  in  imperial  folio,  and  designed  to 
give  an  abstract  of  the  general  history  of  the  eminent 
men  of  the  nineteenth  century,  whose  public  life,  actions, 
moral  and  political  opinions  are  known  from  official  and 
authentic  documents.* 

Matias  Romero  was  born  in  the  city  of  Oajaca, 
(called  Antiquara  by  the  Spaniards),  the  capital  of  the 
State  of  the  Mexican  Republic  of  the  same  name,  on  the 
24th  of  February,  1837 — a year  memorable  in  the  annals 
of  Mexico. 

“ His  parents  sent  him  at  a very  early  age  to  a primary 
school,  but  he  was  too  young  while  he  remained  there  to 
learn  either  to  read  or  to  write  well.  At  the  age  of  eight 
years  he  entered  the  Seminary-college  of  Oajaca,  to  study 
Latin.  He  remained  there  three  years,  and  then  entered 
the  Institute  of  Arts  and  Sciences  of  Oajaca,  a civil  col- 
lege of  that  State,  where  for  three  years  longer  he  pursued 
the  study  of  Philosophy.  Philosophy,  according  to  the 
curriculum  of  that  time,  comprised  Logic,  Metaphysics, 

* The  work  is  entitled,  “ L’Histoire  Generale  des  homines  vi- 
vants,  et  des  hommes  morts,  dans  le  dix-neuvieme  Siecle,  dont  la  vie 
publique  les  oeuvres,  et  les  positions  sociales  peuvent  etre  represen- 
tees d’apr&s  les  documents  officiel,  les  memoires,  et  les  autres  escrits.” 


176 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Ethics,  Ideology,  simple  Mathematics,  Physics,  Astrono- 
my, Chronology,  Geography,  and  Political  Economy. 

Having  finished  these  preliminary  studies,  he  com- 
menced the  study  of  Law  in  the  same  institute.  He 
attended  the  courses  of  Natural  Law,  the  Laws  of  Na- 
tions, Roman  Law,  Public  Law,  Principles  of  Legislation, 
Constitutional,  Civil,  Criminal,  and  Canonical  Law,  in 
all  of  which  he  bore  away  prizes  and  honors. 

In  1853  Romero,  having  completed  the  study  of  Ju- 
risprudence, went  to  the  city  of  Mexico  to  practise  his  pro- 
fession, and  at  the  same  time  to  enter  himself  as  a Meri- 
torio  in  the  department  of  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs of  the  Republic.  His  great  aim  was  to  serve  his 
country  in  a diplomatic  career,  because  it  would  afford  him 
the  advantage  of  foreign  travel,  for  which  he  had  always 
the  most  ardent  desire. 

On  his  arrival  at  Mexico,  his  first  care  was  to  see  Don 
Benito  Juarez,  former  Director  of  the  Institute  of  Oaja- 
ca,  and  then  Minister  of  Justice  under  the  liberal  admin- 
istration of  General  Alvarez.  He  had  just  been  inau- 
gurated President,  on  the  liberal  plan  proclaimed  at  Ayu- 
tla,  which  had  overthrown  the  conservative  administra- 
tion of  General  Santa  Anna. 

Through  the  influence  of  Juarez,  Romero  entered  as 
Meritorio  in  the  Department  of  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  In  this  situation,  while  discharging  the  duties 
daily  entrusted  to  him,  he  was  indefatigable  in  informing 
himself  thoroughly  of  the  archives  of  the  Department. 
At  the  same  time,  he  attended  the  academy  of  theoretical 
and  practical  law  established  by  the  College  of  Counsellors 
of  Mexico,  as  well  as  the  Supreme  Tribunal  of  Justice  for 
the  District  of  Mexico,  the  Secretary  of  which  was  also 
giving  him  instruction  in  practical  law. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


177 


After  an  experience  of  two  years  in  this  position, 
young  Romero,  at  the  age  of  twenty  years,  was  admitted, 
on  the  12th  October,  1857, as  an  Attorney  at  Law,  being  a 
year  younger  than  the  laws  of  Mexico  required,  to  enti- 
tle one  to  practice  in  the  profession. 

Shortly  after  he  received  his  diploma,  the  revolution 
known  as  the  “ Plan  of  Tacubaya,”  fomented  by  the  con- 
servative party,  was  proclaimed  in  Mexico  on  the  17th  of 
December,  1857.  Seeing  no  prospect  of  obtaining  an  ap- 
pointment in  any  legation,  for  want  of  political  influence 
with  the  administration  of  Comonf'ort,  Romero  was  pre- 
paring to  return  to  Oajaca. 

President  Comonfort,  who  favored  the  revolution  at 
first,  afterwards  opposed  it.  A large  part  of  the  forces 
who  were  in  the  capital  opposed  this  disgraceful  proceed- 
ing. The  people  flocked  to  defend  the  government  and 
its  existing  institutions.  Romero  was  one  of  the  first  to 
enrol  himself  for  the  defence  of  the  constitutional  govern- 
ment of  the  country.  During  the  whole  period  of  the 
campaign,  he  remained  in  the  service  as  a volunteer,  sta- 
tioned at  the  old  monastery  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
under  the  orders  of  the  then  Captain,  afterwards  General 
Zaragossa,  who  achieved  the  signal  victory  over  the 
French  at  Puebla. 

On  the  24th  of  January,  1858,  the  revolutionary 
forces  were  successful.  President  Comonfort  abandoned 
the  city  of  Mexico,  and  the  forces  stationed  at  St.  Peter’s 
and  St.  Paul  s were  disbanded.  Young  Romero  would  not 
surrender  himself  as  vanquished.  With  the  character- 
istic perseverance  of  which  lie  has  given  such  proofs,  with 
all  the  ardor  and  enthusiasm  of  youth,  he  made  his  way 
at  great  personal  peril  to  the  city  of  Guanajuato.  Here 
Benito  Juarez,  ex-officio  Vice-President  of  the  Republic, 
12 


178 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


had  established  the  Constitutional  Government,  after  the 
defection  and  flight  of  Comonfort.  On  his  arrival  in  Gua- 
najuato, Romero  presented  himself  to  Juarez,  and  asked 
that  he  might  serve  in  the  army.  But  the  President  believed 
that  his  services  would  be  more  valuable  in  the  Department 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  appointed  him  Minister’s  Clerk. 

It  was  but  a short  time  before  the  government  of 
Juarez  was  compelled  to  remove  to  Guadalajara.  Romero 
was  one  of  those  who  followed  its  fortunes — one  of  those 
who  adhered  to  the  President  when  made  a prisoner  by 
the  insurgent  Landa,  when  he  learned,  at  Guadalajara, 
the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Salamanca — one  also  who  en- 
countered the  greatest  danger,  by  remaining  with  the  Presi- 
dent during  his  captivity,  down  to  the  time  when  all  the 
prisoners  were  taken  to  the  house  of  the  French  Consul, 
and  there  set  at  liberty. 

The  Constitutional  Government  afterwards  withdrew 
from  Guadalajara  to  Colima,  and  from  Colima  to  Man- 
zanilla,  and  from  thence  embarked  for  Vera  Cruz  by  the 
way  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  Romero  was  the  only 
subordinate  officer  who  accompanied  the  Government  to 
Vera  Cruz,  although  it  was  proposed  to  him  that  he 
might  land  at  Acapulco  and  return  to  his  own  home  at 
Oajaca.  At  Vera  Cruz  he  performed  the  duties  of  pri- 
vate Secretary  to  Ocampo,  the  chief  Minister  of  Juarez, 
and  of  the  chief  clerk  of  the  several  departments  which 
that  distinguished  patriot  had  under  his  charge.  In  these 
varied  duties,  he  gave  new  proofs  of  his  versatility,  his 
perseverance,  and  his  industry.  It  was  here  that  he  was 
enabled  to  complete  the  first  edition  of  his  synoptical  table 
of  the  treaties  concluded  by  the  Mexican  Republic,  which 
he  had  begun  in  the  city  of  Mexico.*  Here  he  won  the 

* See  the  Synoptical  Table,  Appendix. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


179 


highest  regard  of  the  Minister  Ocampo,  who  placed  in  him 
the  greatest  and  most  implicit  confidence. 

In  December,  1859,  when  Ocampo  withdrew  for  the 
first  time  from  the  Cabinet  of  Juarez,  Romero  was  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  the  Mexican  Legation  at  Washing- 
ton. On  the  24th  of  the  same  month,  he  arrived  at  Wash- 
ington, and  was  presented  the  same  day  to  President 
Buchanan,  and  to  General  Cass,  Secretary  of  State,  and 
entered  immediately  upon  the  discharge  of  his  duties. 

On  the  14th  of  August,  1860,  Don  Jose  Maria  Mata, 
Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of 
Mexico  to  the  United  States,  returned  to  Mexico,  and  left 
Senor  Romero  as  “ Charge  d’ Affaires  ’’  ad  interim.  On  the 
15th  he  was  received  in  this  new  capacity  by  Mr.  Pres- 
cott, Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  then  in  charge  of  the 
Department  of  State  in  the  absence  of  General  Cass. 
Romero  continued  in  this  position  until  May,  1862,  when, 
during  the  first  ministry  of  General  Doblaclo,  he  was  ap- 
pointed “ Charge  d1  Affaires”  in  full.  He  thus  remained 
at  Washington  until  the  29th  of  April,  1863,  when  he 
received  orders  to  return  to  Mexico. 

The  period  during  which  Romero  was  in  charge  of  the 
Mexican  Legation  at  Washington,  has  been  undoubtedly 
the  most  difficult  in  the  annals  of  Mexican  Diplomacy. 
The  grave  questions  which  arose  in  his  country,  were  very 
numerous  and  very  complicated — from  the  time  of  the 
capture  of  the  Spanish  barque  “ Maria  Concepcion,”  down 
to  the  French  intervention  in  Mexico.  The  labors  of 
Romero  during  this  difficult,  period  may  be  estimated  by 
the  volumes  of  documents  and  correspondence  which  the 
government  at  Washington  have  published  by  order  of 
Congress.* 


* See  a tabular  view. 


180 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  most  ardent  desire  of  Romero  was  to  serve  his 
country  in  the  field,  weapon  in  hand,  for  the  defence  of  the 
independence  of  his  countrymen.  This  he  often  signified 
to  his  government,  but  as  the  latter  did  not  appoint  a suc- 
cessor, Romero  did  not  deem  it  right  to  leave  the  greal 
interests  of  Mexico  in  the  United  States,  at  so  critical  a 
period,  and  did  not  ask  permission  to  return  to  the  Repub- 
lic. But  when  afterwards  he  received  instructions  to 
leave  Washington,  he  hastened  to  comply,  committing  the 
protection  of  Mexican  citizens  in  the  United  States,  to  the 
care  of  the  Minister  Resident  of  Peru. 

On  his  return  to  Mexico,  Romero  found  the  government 
established  at  San  Luis  Potosi.  He  there  resigned  the 
charge  he  held  at  Washington,  and  solicited  enrolment 
in  the  military  service  against  the  invaders  of  his  country. 
The  President  accepted  his  resignation  with  regret,  gave 
him  the  commission  of  Colonel,  with  orders  to  report  him- 
self to  Porfirio  Diaz,  General-in-Chief  of  the  army  of 
operations,  head-quarters  then  at  Acambaro.  Romero  and 
Diaz  had  been  college  companions  and  personal  friends, 
and  were  greatly  rejoiced  to  meet  again,  engaged  together 
in  the  service  of  their  country.  Diaz  appointed  Romero 
chief  of  his  staff. 

In  July,  Romero  accompanied  the  army  of  operations 
from  Acambaro  to  Queretaro,  and  from  thence  he  went 
alone  to  Leon,  to  engage  General  Uraga  to  accept  service 
in  the  army,  as  second  in  command  to  General  Diaz.  At 
Leon,  he  saw  for  the  first  time  General  Doblado,  then 
commanding  the  forces  of  Guanajuato.  They  had  a full 
and  cordial  interchange  of  views,  which  subsequently  was 
the  origin  of  personal  relations  of  the  warmest  friend- 
ship. 

When  Romero  was  on  his  return  to  Querataro,  Gene- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


181 


ral  Diaz  sent  him  as  a Commissioner  for  the  General 
Government  to  San  Luis  Potosi.  When  he  arrived  in 
that  city,  he  found  the  cabinet  in  the  midst  of  a minis- 
terial crisis.  Senor  Fuente,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
had  withdrawn  from  the  Cabinet,  and  been  nominated  as 
Minister  to  the  United  States.  General  Doblado,  who 
succeeded  Fuente  in  the  ministry,  deemed  it  important 
that  Fuente  should  remain,  and  named  Romero  as  Minis- 
ter at  Washington,  as  the  indispensable  condition  of  his 
own  continuance  in  the  ministry. 

Romero  left  San  Luis  Potosi,  Sept.  3d,  1863,  and 
Matamoras  the  19th.  He  landed  at  Havana,  and  there 
took  the  steamer  for  New  York.  He  was  received  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  as  Envoy  Extraor- 
dinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Mexican  Re- 
public, on  the  29th  of  October,  1863,  and  has  since  con- 
tinued to  reside  at  Washington  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  his  mission. 

From  that  time,  his  labors  for  his  country  assumed 
the  most  elevated  and  important  character,  and  he  has 
conducted  them  with  the  most  distinguished  abilitv. 
His  indefatigable  efforts  to  extend  throughout  the  Uni- 
ted  States  correct  views  of  Mexican  questions,  to  con- 
ciliate the  most  influential  men  of  the  Union,  and 
secure  their  influence  on  the  side  of  his  country,  are  well 
known.  His  object  has  been  to  enlist  the  sympathies  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  in  favor  of  the  Mexicans, 
and  to  avail  himself  of  other  elements  in  the  American 
Union,  not  only  in  aiding  Mexico  to  extricate  herself  from 
the  situation  in  which  she  is  placed,  and  to  come  out  vic- 
torious from  her  war  with  France,  but  still  more  in  coope- 
rating for  the  future  prosperity  and  progress  of  the  Repub- 


182 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


lie,  the  independence  and  stability  of  the  Government, 
and  for  the  development  of  the  resources  and  the  promo- 
tion of  the  highest  welfare  of  the  inhabitants,  by  uniting 
and  identifying  the  common  interests  of  the  United  States 
and  Mexico. 

These,  however,  are  facts  of  history,  which  are  not  yet 
really  in  the  province  of  contemporaneous  biography. 

The  following  tabular  view  of  the  work  of  Seiior  Ro- 
mero  during  his  ministry  at  Washington,  is  evidence 
enough  ol  his  indefatigable  industry,  and  immense  labors. 

MILITARY  COMMANDERS. 

There  has  been  a noble  band  of  Military  Commanders, 
who  have  stood  true  to  their  country  and  to  the  principles 
of  the  conflict,  all  through  the  war.  A sketch  of  their  lives 
and  characters  would  be  more  appropriate  in  the  military 
history  subsequent  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 
It  is  not  easy,  at  this  distance,  to  obtain  authentic  data  in 
regard  even  to  many  great  important  events,  in  the  course 
of  revolutions  ; much  less,  in  regard  to  the  incidents  of 
individual  lives.  But  such  names,  as  Porfirio  Diaz, 
Escobedo,  Corona,  Trevino,  Regules  and  many  others,  are 
historic ; and  will  go  down  to  posterity  on  the  rolls  of  the 
illustrious  defenders  of  human  rights. 

General  Don  Porfirio  Diaz  is  more  widely  known  ; 
and  is  greatly  esteemed.  He  is  of  Spanish  descent,  a 
gentleman  and  a scholar,  young,  modest,  refined,  accom- 
plished, and  respected  and  honored  by  friends  and  foes. 


Statement  of  the  material  icorl  accomplisnea  oij  the  Mexican  Legation  in  Washington  from  Avgust  15, 1860,  to  December  31,  1866. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  183 


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184 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


AGGREGATE  STATEMENT  OF  WORK. 


Letters  and  en- 

Letters  and  en- 

Pages. 

closures  to  — 

Pages. 

closures  from— 

Department  of  State  of  Mexico 

6,643 

23,791 

1,905 

4,834 

Departm't  of  State  of  tlie  United  States. 

1,720 

8,948 

483 

721 

Consulates,  legations,  &c.,  &c 

1,301 

1,729 

4 379 

1,951 

Private  letters 

7,430 

14,920 

7,403 

16,678 

Total 

17,094 

49,388 

11,172 

24,184 

GRAND  TOTALS. 


Letters  and  enclosures. 

Number. 

Pages. 

17,094 

11,172 

49,388 

24,184 

28,266 

73,572 

“ This  correspondence  is  contained  in  45  large  bound 
volumes,  as  follows  : Correspondence  to  the  State  Depart- 
ment of  Mexico,  24  volumes  ; from  that  Department,  5 
volumes;  to  the  State  Department  at  Washington,  7 vol- 
umes ; from  the  Washington  State  Department,  2 vol- 
umes ; to  and  from  different  Mexican  officials,  3 volumes; 
and  private  letters  received,  4 volumes. 

“The  year  1860  can  be  taken  as  an  average  of  the  or- 
dinary work  of  the  Legation  in  normal  times.  During  all 
the  time  embraced  in  the  preceding  statement,  Mr.  Romero 
has  been  at  the  head  of  the  Mexican  legation.  He  arrived 
in  Washington  on  the  24th  of  December,  1859,  as  Secre- 
tary of  Legation,  Jose  M.  Mata  being  then  the  minister. 
On  the  14th  of  August,  1860,  Mr.  Mata  left  New  York 
for  Vera  Cruz,  accrediting  Mr.  Romero  as  charge  d’af- 
faires ad  interim  to  the  State  Department.  Mr.  Romero 
presented  his  letters  of  credence  on  the  16th  to  Mr.  Wil- 
liam Henry  Trescott,  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  then 
Acting  Secretary.  On  the  26th  of  May,  1862,  Mr.  Ro- 
mero presented  his  credentials  to  the  Department  of  State 
as  charge  d’affaires  near  the  government  of  the  United 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


185 


Slates,  they  being  signed  by  General  Doblado,  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  of  Mexico,  on  the  3d  of  April.  On  the 
23d  of  April,  1863,  Mr.  Romero  notified  Mr.  Seward 
that  he  had  received  a leave  of  absence,  of  which  he  would 
avail  himself.  He  took  leave  of  President  Lincoln  on 
the  27th  ; left  Washington  on  the  next  day,  and  New 
York  on  the  16tli  of  May  following. 

“ Mr.  Romero  returned  to  New  York  on  the  23d  of 
October,  1863,  as  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  plen- 
ipotentiary from  Mexico  to  the  United  States,  and  pre- 
sented his  credentials  to  President  Lincoln  on  the  29th  of 
the  same  month,  having  since  remained  in  Washington  in 
that  character. 

“ Out  of  2,155  days  that  Mr.  Romero  has  been  in  the 
United  States  (counting  five  full  years,  139  days  in  1860 
and  190  in  1863),  he  has  only  spent  out  of  Washington, 
and  always  on  official  business,  306  days,  as  follows : in 
1860,  6 ; in  1861,  31 ; in  1862,  36  ; in  i863,  29  ; in  1864, 
96;  in  1865,  89;  and  in  1866,  19;  having  passed  in 
Washington  1,849  days. 

“ While  Mr.  Romero  was  acting  as  charge  d’affaires 
he  only  had  one  attache  to  the  legation  ; Mr.  Mariano 
Degollado  first,  and  Mr.  J.  Escobar  y Armendariz  after- 
wards. He  was  at  some  intervals  alone.  Since  he 
returned  as  full  minister,  he  has  had  two  or  three  assist- 
ants, Mr.  Mariscal  having  been  during  all  that  time  the 
secretary  of  legation. 

“ The  total  number  of  official  interviews  which  Mr. 
Romero  had  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Hon.  Wil- 
liam H.  Seward,  from  the  2d  of  September,  1861,  to  the 
31st  of  December,  1866,  is  109,  as  follows  : As  charge 
d'affaires  (to  the  23d  of  May,  1863),  63  ; as  minister 
(from  the  27th  of  October,  1863),  46  ; and  26  with  the 
President  of  the  United  States  on  official  business,  as  fol- 
lows : with  President  Buchanan,  3 ; with  President  Lin- 
coln, 15  ; with  President  Johnson,  8 ; total,  135. 

“ During  the  two  years  and  a half  that  the  Republi- 
can government  of  Mexico  was  in  the  State  of  Chihua- 


186 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


hua,  their  communication  with  the  Republic  and  the  outer 
world  was  entirely  cut  off,  and  they  depended  upon  their 
legation  at  Washington  to  hear  from  the  central,  southern, 
and  eastern  parts  of  Mexico,  from  the  United  States,  and 
Europe.  All  the  mails  for  the  Mexican  government, 
including  newspapers  for  President  Juarez  and  his  cabi- 
net, had  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Romero,  the  duties  of  the  lega- 
tion increasing  thereby  considerably,  as  it  was  necessary 
to  keep  an  active  correspondence  with  several  Mexican 
generals  in  the  field,  and  with  friends  of  Mexico  in 
France  and  other  places  in  Europe  and  in  South  Amer- 
ica. Besides  this,  and  the  regular  functions  of  a minis- 
ter, Mr.  Romero  has  been  charged  with  the  purchase  of 
arms  and  munitions  of  war,  the  chartering  of  steamers  to 
carry  to  Mexico  the  war  material,  the  printing  of  Mexi- 
can bonds  and  the  negotiation  of  them  in  the  market,  and 
the  making  of  contracts  for  several  other  purposes,  the 
circulation  of  the  official  paper  of  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment, &c.,  &c. 

“ The  appreciation  by  the  United  States  government 
of  Mr.  Romero’s  correspondence,  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
Congress  has  often  asked  the  President  in  a special  man 
ner  for  Mr.  Romero’s  letters,  and  the  President  has  sent, 
out  of  480  letters  which  Mr.  Romero  has  addressed  to 
the  State  Department,  371,  in  the  following  manner : of 
1861,27;  1862,35;  1863,21;  1864,54;  1865,115; 
1866,  119.  Total  number  of  enclosures  sent  to  Congress 
and  published,  1,204. 

“The  total  number  of  messages  on  Mexican  affairs 
sent  by  the  President  to  Congress  during  the  time  em- 
braced in  the  preceding  statement  is  2 7,  as  follows : in 
1862,  3 ; in  1863,  4;  in  1864,  1 ; in  1865,  3 ; and  in 
1866,  16. 

“ EULALIO  DEGOLLADO,  Jk., 

“ Private  Secretary. 

“ Washington,  February  24,  1867.” 


PART  V. 


THE  MEXICAN  QUESTION  FROM  A FRENCH  POINT  OF  VIEW. 


CHAPTER  I. 

“ MEXICO  AS  IT  IS,— THE  TRUTH,”  ETC.  BY  THE  ABBE  DOMENECH.* 

It  will  facilitate  an  understanding  of  our  subject,  to 
consider  the  statements  and  views  of  the  author  of  this 
volume.  Although,  in  the  order  of  time,  they  will  antici- 
pate events  in  the  narrative,  and  will  make  allusions  to 
individuals  and  incidents  that  need  to  be  described,  still 
they  furnish  important  incidental  confirmation  of  the  de- 
scriptions thus  far  given  on  other  authority.  The  testi- 
mony from  this  source,  in  regard  to  the  character  of  the 
“ church,”  and  of  its  organization,  influence,  and  policy, 
will  not  be  cpiestioned.  The  work  shows  clearly  the  part 
the  ecclesiastical  power  has  taken  in  the  revolutions  and 
struggles  of  Mexico  ; and  the  animus  it  breathes  towards 
the  United  States, — the  government  and  the  people, — if  it 
reflects  the  feelings  of  the  French  Government  and  For- 
eign Powers,  is,  to  say  the  least,  suggestive. 

The  chaplain  The  “ Abbe  Emmanuel  Domenech,  Senior 
ot  tbe  Emi,ue-  Director  of  the  press  of  the  Cabinet  of  H.  M. 

* “ Le  Mexique,  tel  qui’l  est,  La  verite  sur  son  climate,  ses  habi- 
tants, et  son  gouvernement,  par  Emmanuel  Domenech,  ancienDirec- 
teur  de  la  presse  du  cabinet  de  S.  M.  L’Empereur  Maximilian,  et  ex- 
aumonier  du  corps  expeditionnaire.” 


188 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  Emperor  Maximilian,  and  ex-chaplain  of  the  expedi- 
tionary corps,”  published  in  Paris,  in  1867,  a work  of  348 
pages,  entitled  “ Mexico  as  it  is, — the  truth  respecting  its 
climate,  its  inhabitants,  and  its  government.” 

Mexico  from  a This  volume  professes  to  give  to  the  people  of 

French  point  1 1 

-°f vicw-  F ranee,  and  of  Europe,  a truthful  account  of  the 
author’s  personal  observation  and  knowledge  of  Mexico 
and  its  inhabitants.  The  first  sentence  is,  “ Since  our  in- 
tervention in  Mexico,  the  published  accounts  in  the  Euro- 
pean press,  of  the  political  situation  of  this  Empire,  are  so 
contradictory,  that  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  the  true 
from  the  false.  The  prejudices  of  some,  the  party  spirit 
of  others,  the  official  or  private  interests  of  all,  and  inade- 
quate and  superficial  information,  have  so  distorted  the 
truth  that  it  cannot  be  seen.” 

OBJECTS  AND  PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  ABBE  DOMENECII. 

“ In  my  double  career  as  a man  of  letters  and  a jour- 
nalist, since  1856,  I have  so  defended  the  Mexicans,  that 
I shall  not  be  suspected  of  partiality  if,  in  this  work,  I 
speak  of  them  less  favorably.  The  truth  must  stand  before 
sympathy.” 

Mexican  “ The  Mexican  of  to-day  has  his  faults,  which 

irritate  and  provoke  us,  and  discourage  his  best 
friends.  Nevertheless  his  faults,  his  vices,  if  you  please, 
diminish  enormously  in  their  characteristic  importance,  if 
we  compare  the  types  of  each  class  of  Mexican  society 
with  corresponding  classes  in  our  old  Europe.  We  are  far 
from  being  perfect  ourselves.  Foreign  literature,  as  well 
as  our  own,  proves  this  enough  by  its  exhibition  of  our 
faults.  If  wm  see  motes  in  our  neighbors’  eyes,  there  are 
beams  in  our  own.  It  is  well  for  us,  then,  to  be  more  mod- 
est and  more  reserved  in  our  criticisms.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


189 


rrench  “ Far  from  fluttering  the  Mexicans,  their  coun- 

lmpartiahty.  and  their  government,  I shall  paint  them  in 
the  most  unfavorable  colors,  in  order  to  show  that  I have 
not  hesitated  to  explore  and  to  study  the  most  hideous 
plagues  of  tliis  poor  people.  I shall  speak  of  the  past,  be- 
cause of  its  effects  upon  the  present.  I shall  not  pass  over 
any  of  the  complaints,  whether  just  or  not,  which  for  two 
or  three  years  have  been  made  against  Mexico.  In  acting 
thus,  I hope  to  secure  more  consideration  for  my  views, 
stamped  always  with  the  seal  of  a most  rigid  impartiality.” 
“I  do  not  design  to  give  a complete  picture  of  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  Mexicans.  I shall  content 
myself  with  citing  only  those  facts  which  have  most  im- 
pressed me,  and  which  justify  my  conclusions.” 

“The  narrative  will  contain  many  apparent  con- 
tradictions. Mexico  being  so  singularly  a country 
of  contrasts,  it  will  be  difficult  to  bear  constantly  in  mind 
the  distinction  in  the  classes  of  society  to  which  my  praises 
or  censures  relate.  I shall  confine  myself  as  much  as  pos- 
sible to  facts,  and  allow  them  to  speak  for  themselves.” 

“ In  this  way  I shall  be  the  better  shielded  from  the 
attacks  of  those  who  do  not  share  my  views.  Every  one 
will  draw  such  inferences  as  he  pleases  from  the  picture, 
and  form  his  own  opinion  of  a country,  so  little  known  as 
Mexico.” 


A country  of 
contrasts. 


The  Chaplain's  4 ‘I  left  Paris  in  1864,  for  the  purpose  of 

tour  and  ob-  . , _ _ , . . . 

jects.  studying,  m Mexico,  the  institutions  of  the  new 

Empire,  of  sketching  the  political  portraits  of  the  new 
men,  of  comparing  the  Mexicans  of  the  interior  with  those 
of  the  north  and  of  the  frontiers  ; and  the  Indian  races 
with  those  of  the  United  States.” 

“ I regret  that  1 am  not  able  to  correct  all  the  preju- 
dices, exaggerations,  and  errors  which  have  been  published 


190 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


about  Mexico,  its  inhabitants,  its  riches,  beauty,  etc.,  or  to 
give  the  details  of  the  number  of  its  churches  and  convents, 
their  architecture  and  ornamentation.” 

“ My  principle  is,  that  truth  injures  only  him  who 
speaks  it : it  is  often  useful  to  those  who  hear  it.  My  pen 
is  my  capital.  I write  as  much  from  necessity  as  from 
inclination.  Whether  from  conscience  or  from  idleness,  I 
shall  not  take  pains  to  invent,  but  write  only  the  truth. 
No  one  pays  me  to  disguise  or  falsify  it.” 

Design  and  Such  are  the  avowed  objects,  principles,  and 

importance  of  . ,7  , 

the  Book.  views  of  the  author,  flow  far  Ins  work  corre- 

sponds with  such  an  avowal,  the  sequel  will  perhaps  show. 
When  one  in  an  important  and  responsible  official  position, 
near  two  Thrones , addresses  the  Powers  and  people  of 
Europe  in  behalf  of  a great  movement , affecting  the  inter- 
ests of  modern  civilization  in  both  hemispheres , for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  removing  false  impressions,  and  forming 
a correct  public  opinion  throughout  Christendom,  and 
professes  to  have  thoroughly  investigated  the  facts,  and  to 
understand  the  whole  history  and  philosophy  of  the  sub- 
ject, avows  the  most  conscientious  and  sacred  allegiance 
to  truth  and  impartiality,  and  is  fairly  presumed  to  know 
more  than  he  tells,  the  chief  significance  of  the  work  arises 
from  its  “ quasi  authority,”  its  chief  importance  from  the  na- 
ture, extent,  and  effect  of  the  influence  it  is  intended  to  exert. 
The  Book,  not  In  this  view  it  is  not  the  author , but  the 

its  author,  , . 

judged.  book,  of  which  we  speax.  As  much  as  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  the  Abbe  were  not  better  informed,  and  that 
he  had  not  employed  his  pen  in  the  service  of  humanity, 
in  the  promotion  of  the  principles  of  universal  justice  and 
freedom,  of  the  equal  and  inalienable  rights  of  nations  and 
of  men,  we  disavow  in  the  outset  all  intended  personality 
in  respect  to  the  author , and  confine  ourselves  to  the  ex- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


19  L 


animation  and  exhibition  of  the  statements,  views,  and 
teachings  of  the  booh. 

O 

What  it  says  of  things  concerns  us  little. 

Its  scope.  . J . 

What  it  says  of  meiumaprinciple-s — of  Mexicans, 
and  races,  of  their  character,  condition,  and  rights;  of 
Americans,  of  the  United  States,  its  government,  laws, 
policy,  and  public  men ; of  the  plans  and  purposes  of 
European  powers  in  regard  to  the  Western  hemisphere ; 
of  modern  civilization,  of  international  intercourse,  com- 
merce, and  comity , concerns  all  mankind.  And  to  this 
only  is  our  attention  directed. 

GENERAL  CONTENTS  OF  THE  BOOK. 

The  volume  describes  : 

Analysis  of  the  1 • The  country  its  geography,  physical  features, 
climate,  soil,  productions,  its  unrivalled  re- 
sources and  capabilities,  and  its  industrial  and  commercial 
interests. 

2.  Its  population,  its  institutions,  social,  moral,  and 
political  condition,  the  different  races  and  classes,  the 
various  political  and  ecclesiastical  parties  and  interests. 

3.  The  intervention,  its  origin,  causes,  and  objects ; its 
measures,  and  the  principal  actors  in  its  history ; the  Em- 
pire, Maximilian,  his  court,  cabinet,  and  policy ; and  the 
causes  and  consequences  of  the  failure. 

4.  It  omits  altogether  any  account  of  the  connection  of 
the  English  and  Spanish  Governments  with  the  enter- 
prise, and  ignores  all  their  co-operation  in  it.  From  the 
French  standpoint,  it  speaks  of  it  as  “ our  intervention .” 

5.  It  accords  to  the  French  Government  the  honor  of 
this,  the  grandest  enterprise  of  the  century,  and  the  abso- 
lute and  indisputable  right  to  direct  and  control  it. 

6.  It  gives  no  history  of  moral  or  military  move- 


192 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ments  or  events,  and  but  brief  and  passing  allusions  to 
the  Belgian,  Austrian,  and  French  elements  in  the  cam- 
paign. 

7.  It  dwells  especially  upon  the  character  of  the  Mexi- 
cans— their  political,  civil,  religious,  social,  and  domestic 
institutions  ; the  “ church  party,”  their  interests  and  poli- 
cy ; and  the  troubles  and  revolutions  of  the  last  forty  years. 

8.  It  represents  the  bulk  of  the  population  as  divided 
into  three  classes — the  first,  the  clerical  or  conservative 
party;  the  second,  the  radical  republican  reform  party; 
and  the  third,  an  intermediate  one,  the  liberal  party, 
vibrating  between  the  other  two. 

9.  It  declares  that  nine-tenths  of  the  entire  population 
adhere  to  the  clerical  party,  embracing  all  the  intelligent, 
wealthy,  and  respectable  portion  of  the  community  ; that 
it  embodies  the  only  sound  principles  of  government,  law, 
or  order,  and  that  its  ascendency  is  essential  to  the  preser- 
vation of  the  existence  of  the  nation,  and  of  its  prosperity 
in  all  that  concerns  the  welfare  of  society. 

10.  It  declares  that  the  fundamental  principle  of 
Monarchy  is  the  only  form  of  government  for  Mexico,  and 
is  the  distinctive  rallying  point  of  this  party ; that  it  is 
inwrought  in  the  very  constitution  of  the  Mexican  mind, 
underlies  all  the  national  traditions,  and  is  supported  by 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  people. 

11.  That  the  movement  for  the  establishment  of  a 
monarchy,  with  a foreign  Prince  upon  the  t hrone,  originated 
with  this  party  ; was  submitted  to  the  Courts  and  Cabinets 
of  Europe  many  years  since ; that  the  intervention  was 
the  result,  and  this  same  party  called  Maximilian  and 
placed  him  on  the  throne. 

The  sixth  chapter  is  devoted  to  the  “ religious  condi- 
tion of  Mexico,  the  clergy,  false  religion,  superstition,  reli- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


193 


gious  ceremonies,  the  fair  of  the  dead,  and  the  sale  of  the 
ecclesiastical  property.-” 

The  eighth  treats  of  the  intervention,  the  opposition  of 
the  Mexicans,  the  consequences  of  its  failure,  and  the 
monarchists. 

The  eleventh  discusses  the  political  parties  of  the 
country. 

The  twelfth  is  an  exposition  of  the  author’s  views  of 
the  relations  of  the  Mexican  question  to  the  future  of 
Europe,  and  of  France  in  particular.  Entirely  in  the 
interest  of  the  intervention  and  the  Empire,  it  professes 
to  enlighten  Europe  in  respect  to  the  character , the  veal 
issues  and  interests  of  the  conflict.  It  exhibits  also  the 
author’s  views  of  Mexican  and  American  public  sentiment 
and  policy. 


CONTENTS  OF  CHAPTER  XII. 

The  titles  of  this  chapter  are,  “ The  Mexican  Question, 
little  understood  in  Europe.  Summary  statement.  Ameri- 
can policy.  Tactics  of  Mr.  Seward.  The  Monroe  doctrine, 
its  origin,  application,  and  consequences.  Opinions  of 
American  writers  opposed  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  to 
the  policy  of  Mr.  Johnson.  French  opinions  of  the  Mexi- 
can Question.  Embarrassment  of  the  United  States  on 
account  of  this  Question.  Opinions  of  Mexicans  upon  the 
actual  situation.  The  importance  of  our  expedition  to  the 
future  of  our  commerce,  and  of  our  influence.  Conclusion.'” 
The  whole  animus  and  influence  of  this  vcflume  are 
entirely  in  character  with  the  assiduous  and  persistent 
efforts  of  the  interventionists,  by  the  daily  press,  pam- 
phlets, and  volumes,  to  moidd  public  opinion  in  France , 
and  in  Europe , unfavorably  to  the  character  and  rights  of 
Mexicans  and  Americans , and  to  justify  and  strengthen 
13 


194 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  policy  and  the  acts  of  that  foreign  combination,  naval, 
military,  political  and  ecclesiastical ; to  overthrow  the 
institutions  of  this  continent ; and  to  transplant  here,  in 
order  to  perpetuate  at  home,  the  European  system  of  civil 
and  religious  despotism. 

The  signal  failure  of  the  scheme,  and  the  reaction 
which  has  already  begun  to  “ plague  its  inventors,” 
render  it  perhaps  not  less  desirable  that  Americans 
should  understand  what  the  enemies  of  free  institutions 
have  been  doing,  and  who  are  their  real  friends  abroad. 
Mexican  esti-  It  is  not  surprising  that  a Mexican  gentleman, 

mate  of  tile  . .■*•..  . ° 

work.  high  m official  position  and  in  the  confidence  of 
his  countrymen,  characterizes  the  work  as  u a libel  against 
Mexicans,  that  shows  the  disposition  of  the  French  (the 
author  a French  Abbe)  against  the  Mexican  patriots, 
and  their  despite  in  consequence  of  their  failure.  It  is 
written  in  the  interests  of  the  bitterest  Church  partisans.” 


CHURCHES  AND  CONVENTS. 


Mexico  a mo- 
nastic state. 


“ Mexico,”  says  the  Abbe,  “ under  Spanish 
rule,  ivas  eminently  a monastic  State.  Not 
only  three-fifths  of  the  cities  Avere  occupied  with  convents 
and  churches,  but  there  Avere  convents,  like  that  of  San 
Francisco  at  Mexico,  and  that  of  Santa  Clara  at  Quere- 
taro,  Avhicli  occupied  a large  part  of  the  city.  I do  not 
speak  of  the  fabulous  riches  of  these  churches.  I think  it 
right  that  the  temples  of  God  should  be  better  adorned 
than  the  apartments  of  a stock-broker.  But  is  it  not  a lie 
to  God  and  men,  to  make  a voav  of  poverty,  and  then  live 
in  the  midst  of  abundance  and  comfort,  as  the  ecclesiastics 
of  all  Spanish  America  do  ? ” 

“ Much  has  been  said  of  the  splendor  of  the 

The  Churches.  . ........  •! 

Mexican  churches,  and  ot  their  immense  riches. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


195 


But  all  that,  is  only  a story  which  demonstrates  the  pious 
liberality  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  rapacious  sacrilege  of 
the  liberal  Mexicans.  These  last  have  stolen  that  which 
the  others  had  given.11 

wealth  and  “ In  the  late  revolutions,  the  Mexicans  have 
church.  taken  away  more  than  two  hundred  millions  of 
value,  in  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  which  the  Span- 
iards had  accumulated  in  their  churches  since  the  con- 
quest ! 11 

“ The  Cathedral  of  Mexico  possessed  a massive  silver 
lamp,  so  large  that  three  men  entered  within,  to  clean  it. 
The  liberals  have  cleaned  it  out,  so  thoroughly,  that  nothing 
of  it  is  left.  It  would  take  a long  list  to  enumerate  the 
objects  of  historic  interest  of  this  kind,  which  have  in  like 
manner  disappeared.11 

“ If  the  country  has  profited  by  considerable  sums  thus 
produced  by  the  plunder  of  the  churches,  it  is  sad  to  see  a 
nation  obliged  to  resort  to  such  extremities,  to  relieve  its 
finances.  But  as  it  is  only  a few  individuals  who  have 
enriched  themselves,  by  these  precious  spoils,  it  is  right  to 
condemn  such  acts  of  vandalism.  To-day  there  are  only  the 
ruins  and  fragments  of  the  profusion  of  former  splendors.” 

“ The  Mexican  loves  his  dollars,  and  keeps  them.  He 
has  taken  or  destroyed  the  heritage  of  the  Spaniards ; he 
has  restored  nothing,  improved  nothing,  even  in  a relig- 
ious point  of  view.  The  ‘votive  offerings,1  which  even 
in  Europe,  have  sometimes  considerable  value,  are  limited 
in  Mexico  to  microscopic  objects  in  silver,  bought  at  the 
maker’s  for  two  or  three  francs.11 

MEXICANS  NOT  CATHOLICS. 

Mexicans  not  “ Besides,  the  Mexican  is  not  a Catholic  ; he  is 

simply  a Christian,  because  he  has  been  baptized. 


19G 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


I speak  of  the  masses,  and  not  of  numerous  exceptions  to 
be  met  with,  in  all  classes  of  society.” 

“ I say  that  Mexico  is  not  a Catholic  country : 

“I.  Because  a majority  of  the  native  population  are 
semi-idolators. 

“ II.  Because  the  majority  of  the  Mexicans  carry  igno- 
rance of  religion  to  such  a point,  that  they  have  no  other 
Avorship  than  that  of  form.  It  is  materialism  without  a 
doubt.  They  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  worship  God  in 
spirit  and  in  truth,  according  to  the  Gospel. 

“ I IT.  Because  the  clergy  themselves,  in  general,  have 
little  education,  knoAv  very  little  of  Theology,  and  appear 
to  be  ignorant  of  the  canonical  laws,  and  of  the  decrees  of 
the  Councils.” 

Absence  of  ‘ Charity  and  humility  are  the  very  founda- 

Christiau  vir-  . * ^ . , JL 

tues.  tions,  the  touchstone  ot  Catholicism.  I he  Mexi- 

can professes  but  little  enthusiasm  for  these  virtues,  notAvith- 
standing  that,  without  them,  Catholicism  becomes  a sheer 
human  religion,  making  Divinity  cnly  a pretext  and 
motive  of  action,  but  stricken  with  sterility,  rejected  of 
God.” 


simony  and  “ If  the  Pope  should  abolish  all  Simoniacal  liv- 
mgs,  and  excommunicate  all  the  priests  having 
concubines,  the  Mexican  clergy  Avould  be  reduced  to  a 
very  small  affair.  Nevertheless,  there  are  some  worthy 
men  among  them,  whose  conduct  as  priests  is  irreproach- 
able.” 

“Notwithstanding  the  bad  examples  of  the  fra- 
ternity, the  number  of  good  priests  is  not  so  small 
as  has  been  reported.  From  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico,  at  San 
Luis  Potosi,  and  at  Durango,  I have  seen  those  of  A\Thom 
nothing  but  good  could  be  said,  and  Avhose  conversation 
has  been  instructive  to  me.  Their  want  of  education  and 


Some  good 
priests. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


197 


culture,  their  merely  local  ideas,  render  them  little 
esteemed  by  those  accustomed  to  the  French  clergy,  whose 
apostolic  walk  and  conversation  edify  all  the  world.” 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  PRIESTHOOD. 

Frankness  and  “On  the  religious  question,  I shall  use  the  same 

impartiality.  franpnegs  as  jn  the  political,  moral,  and  mate- 
rial, which  make  Mexico  a peculiar  country,  unlike  any 
other.  I shall  not  conceal  the  evil  which  is  reported,  nor 
that  which  I know,  in  order  that  I may  have  the  right  to 
correct  the  exaggerations  of  the  malevolent,  of  the  hasty, 
and  of  partisan  faultfinders. 

“In  all  questions,  it  is  not  enough  to  relate  the  evil  and 
the  good,  to  establish  the  facts  which  reveal  the  actual  sit- 
uation, little  understood.  It  is  necessary  to  show  the 
remedy.  I shall  show  it.” 

character  of  “In  all  Spanish  America  there  are  found, 

the  Priesthood.  , •»  • , . i • , , i i 

among  the  priests,  the  veriest  wretches — knaves 
deserving  the  gallows — men  who  make  an  infamous  traffic 
of  religion.  Mexico  has  her  share  of  these  wretches. 
Whose  fault  is  it  ? In  the  past  it  has  been  Spanish  man- 
ners— climate.  In  the  present  it  is  the  Episcopate.  If 
the  bishops  had  good  seminaries,  where  pupils  could 
receive  a sound  and  serious  education  ; if  the  bishops  had 
more  energy ; if  they  were  more  cautious  in  the  choice  of 
candidates  for  the  priesthood  ; if  they  required  others  to 
observe,  and  observed  themselves , more  scrupulously,  the 
canonical  laws  of  the  church,  they  would  not  see  the  dis- 
orders of  which  they  are  now  the  first  to  complain.” 

“ Notwithstanding  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
pastoral  visits  are  scarcely  known  in  Mexico.  I know 
they  have  been  difficult  and  dangerous  since  the  indepen- 


198 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


dence ; but  if  tlie  Episcopate  does  not  give  the  example  of 
devotion  and  self-denial,  who  will  give  it  ? ” 

Mexican  aver-  “ The  Mexicans  have  cried  out  loudly  against 

sion  to  the  _ J <D 

Priests.  their  clergy.  But  it  has  not  been  so  much  on 
account  of  their  manner  of  life,  as  because  they  wished  to 
take  possession  of  their  property.  Before  returning  to 
this  subject,  I ought  to  say,  we  ought  not  to  be  too  phar- 
isaical  in  our  condemnations.  Among  the  twelve  apostles, 
Jesus  Christ  chose  one  Judas,  in  order  to  show  us  that 
nothing  is  perfect  on  earth,  and  that  we  ought  not  to  be 
offended  at  the  apostasy  of  certain  ministers  of  God. 
This  very  apostasy  exalts  and  demonstrates  the  divinity 
of  Catholicism,  which  maintains  and  develops  itself  in 
spite  of  the  failings  of  certain  of  its  priests.” 

“The  Mexican  clergy  have,  perhaps,  more  than  one 
Judas  for  twelve  apostles,  but  that  is  a matter  more  of 
pity  than  of  blame.” 

“ If  Italv  and  Spain  were  visited  before  going 

Clerical  habits.  . . ° 0 

to  Mexico,  there  would  be  less  of  a shock  at 
the  manner  of  life  of  the  Mexican  clergy.  Do  not  indi- 
viduals as  well  as  communities  bear  the  stamp  of  the 
country  where  they  live  ? I recollect  a case  in  point, 
where  a French  priest  was  greatly  astonished,  while  in 
Mexico,  that  the  pastor  of  a church  where  he  had  said 
mass,  offered  him  a cigarette  after  the  mass.  The  pastor, 
in  turn,  was  much  scandalized  that  our  priest  allowed  the 
train  of  his  cassock  to  drag  upon  the  ground,  a thing 
unknown  elsewhere  than  in  France  ; and  that  he  arranged 
his  hair  before  a mirror  in  the  vestry,  before  and  after 


robing ! ” 


Life  among  the 
Priests. 


“ I have  known,  in  the  south  and  in  the  north 
of  the  Mexican  empire,  pastors  who  gave  balls 
at  their  houses,  and  never  thought  the  least  in  the  world, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


199 


that  it  would  be  better  to  distribute  bread  to  the  poor 
than  to  give  champagne  and  refreshments  to  their 
danseuses.” 


Celibacy ! and 
paternity. 


“ The  clergy  carry  their  love  of  the  family  to 
that  of  paternity.  In  my  travels  in  the  inte- 
rior of  Mexico,  many  pastors  have  refused  me  hospitality, 
in  order  to  prevent  my  seeing  their  neices  and  cousins , 
and  their  children.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  char- 
acter of  these  connexions.  Priests  who  are  recognized  as 
fathers  of  families  are  by  no  means  rare.  The  people 
consider  it  natural  enough,  and  do  not  rail  at  the  conduct 
of  their  pastors,  excepting  when  they  are  not  contented 
with  one  wife.” 

“ One  of  my  friends  said  to  the  mistress  of  a pastor, 
‘ Are  you  not  afraid  of  going  to  hell  ? And  have  you  no 
remorse  at  living,  as  a wife,  with  a man  who  says  mass 


every  day  % 1 

“ ‘Sir,1  she  replied,  with  anger,  ‘ I would  have  you  know 
I am  a respectable  woman,  and  that  I would  not  live  with 
the  pastor  if  we  had  not  been  lawfully  married.1 11 

“ In  the  State  of  Oajaca  there  are  priests  who  marry, 
in  order  not  to  scandalize  any  one.  Although  this  celi- 
bacy of  the  priests  is  purely  an  ecclesiastical  institution , 1 
do  not  see  how  these  gentlemen  can  contract  marriages, 
pretended  to  be  legitimate.” 

“A  woman  of  Oajaca,whom  I questioned  about 

Priests1  wives.  . . 

these  singular  unions,  said  to  me  one  day,  ‘My 
country  women  prefer  to  live  with  Priests  rather  than 
with  the  laity,  because  they  are  better  provided  for.1  The 
poor  creatures  are  so  wretched,  they  prefer  to  seek  a house 
where  they  are  sure  to  find  good  clothing  and  good  food. 11 

“Nevertheless,  the  Priest  and  the  woman  are  not  dis- 
honored. They  are  respected  if  they  live  happily  together. 


200 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Clerical  One  clay  a merchant  came  to  the  wife  of  a 

Priest  of  the  Diocese  of  X,  to  demand  pay  for  a 
robe  which  she  had  bought : ‘ I have  no  money,’  she  said, 

‘ you  must  wait.’ 

“ ‘ I will  not  wait  any  longer,’  replied  the  merchant ; 
‘ if  you  do  not  pay  me  now  immediately,  I will  summon 
you  before  the  court.’ 

“ ‘ Try  it,’  said  the  woman.  ‘ Do  you  know  that  I be- 
long to  the  sacred  mitre  V 

“ All  who  belong  to  the  house  of  the  Bishop  deem  them- 
selves under  special  protection. 

“ Some  of  the  Bishops,  complain  of  this  state  of  things, 
but  take  no  pains  to  change  it ; others  encourage  it,  with 
remarkable  good  humor. 

“I  remember  that  one  of  these  prelates,  passing; 

Holy  Fathers.  1 life) 

through  a village  near  the  Episcopal  city,  the 
Priest  said  to  him,  ‘ Sire,  have  the  goodness  to  bless  my 
children  and  their  mother.’ 

“ The. good  Bishop  blessed  them.  There  was  a chamber 

full. 

“ Another  did  better  still.  He  baptzied  the  child  of  one 
of  his  Priests.  Can  a clergy  of  such  character  make 
saints?  I doubt.  Nevertheless,  they  must  not  be  taken 
for  heretics.” 


THE  AUBE  A EEFOKMEK. 

“ In  order  to  change  this  deplorable  state  of 

Call  for  reform.  . L . __ 

things,  it  would  be  necessary  to  establish  in  Mex- 
ico one  or  more  seminaries,  under  the  care  of  French  Sul- 
piciens.  No  person  should  be  ordained  a Priest  unless 
presented  by  the  directors  of  the  seminaries.  It  would  be 
equally  necessary  that  the  Pope  should  send  to  Mex- 
ico an  intelligent  and  wise  French  Ambassador,  to  induce 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


201 


Character  of 
the  Bishops. 


State  of  the 
Church. 


the  Bishops  to  reform  their  clergy,  and  to  adopt  measures 
for  this  result.  An  Italian  ambassador  would  employ 
himself  forever  in  the  religious  politics,  the  honorary  and 
property  interests  of  the  clergy,  which  must  not  be  con- 
founded with  the  interests  of  the  church.  As  to  the  honor 
and  dignity  of  religion,  the  purity  and  integrity  of  the 
worship  of  God,  the  Italians  are  never  concerned 

“ The  most  honored  of  the  Bishops  dream  more 
about  their  privileges  and  prerogatives,  than  the 
improvement  of  the  flock  entrusted  to  their  charge.  In 
the  few  institutions  which  have  only  the  form  and  name 
of  a seminary,  they  permit  the  teaching  of  a false  theo- 
logy, which  only  perverts  the  mind  and  conscience  of  the 
future  priest.” 

“ The  Christian  spirit,  that  is  to  say,  of  love  of 
one’s  neighbor,  of  poverty,  of  humility,  of  zeal 
for  the  salvation  of  souls,  of  self-abnegation,  are  so  many 
virtues  which  the  Mexican  clergy  never  learn.  So  that  the 
Priests  go  forth  with  the  most  erroneous  and  absurd  ideas 
of  morality,  and  of  Catholic  truth.  They  administer  the 
first  communion  and  the  rite  of  confirmation  to  children  of 
five  or  six  years  of  age,  who  have  received  no  instruction, 
and  know  not  what  they  do.  They  make  merchandise  of 
the  Sacraments,  and  make  money  by  every  religious  cere- 
mony, without  thinking  that  they  are  guilty  of  simony, 
and  expose  themselves  to  the  censures  of  the  church.  If 
Roman  justice  had  its  course  in  Mexico,  one-half  of  the 
Mexican  clergy  would  be  excommunicated.” 

“ The  well-instructed  Priests,  disinterested  and 
animated  by  a truly  apostolical  spirit,  holy  souls, 
whose  religious  sentiments  are  of  good  character,  constitute 
an  insignificant  minority.  Mexican  faith  is  a dead  faith. 
The  abuse  of  external  ceremonies,  the  facility  of  reconcil- 


A deplorable 
picture. 


202 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ing  the  Devil  with  God,  the  absence  of  internal  exercises 
of  piety,  have  hilled  the  faith  in  Mexico.  It  is  in  vain  to 
seek  good  fruit  from  this  worthless  tree,  which  makes 
Mexican  religion  a singular  assemblage  of  heartless  devo- 
tion, shameful  ignorance,  insane  superstition,  and  hideous 
vice.  In  vain  you  seek  in  this  country,  called  Catholic, 
houses  of  refuge  for  the  aged  and  indigent,  for  penitents 
fallen  through  betrayal  and  misery,  or  for  works  of 
benevolence  and  mercy,  of  which  there  are  so  many  in 
Europe.  You  find  here  no  gatherings  of  ladies  of  wealth, 
to  work  together  for  the  children  of  the  poor.” 

Faith  dead  m “In  Mexico  faith  inspires  nothing,  invents 
nothing,  it  does  not  even  imitate.  It  is  a fossil. 
To  visit  the  jioor  is  a thing  never  thought  of.  Sometimes 
the  remains  of  a repast  are  given  away.  On  Saturdays,  alms 
are  given  to  the  beggar.  But  to  comfort,  in  his  domicile, 
the  infirm,  the  sick,  the  dying,  in  their  misery,  alas ! Mex- 
ican pride  does  not  permit  it.” 


IDOLATRY. 


idolatry  and  “ The  idolatrous  character  of  Mexican  Catliol- 
abominations.  jcjgm  jg  a faCf-  [ known  to  all  travellers.  The 

worship  of  Saints  and  Madonnas  so  absorbs  the  devotion  of 
the  people,  that  little  time  is  left  to  think  about  God.  Relig- 
ious ceremonies  are  performed  with  a most  lamentable  in- 
difference and  want  of  decorum.  The  church  chants  and 
music  are  atrocious,  really  infernal.  The  Indians  go  to  hear 
mass  with  their  poultry  and  vegetables,  which  they  are  car- 
rying to  market.  I have  had  to  abandon  the  Cathedral  of 
Mexico,  where  I used  to  go  every  morning,  because  I could 
not  collect  my  thoughts  there.  The  gobble  of  turkeys,  the 
crowing  of  cocks,  the  barking  of  dogs,  the  mewing  of  cats, 
the  chirping  of  birds  in  their  nests  in  the  ceiling,  and  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


203 


flea-bites,  rendered  meditation  impossible  to  me,  unaccus- 
tomed to  live  in  such  a menagerie.” 

“ It  would  require  volumes  to  relate  the  Indian  super- 
stitions of  an  idolatrous  character  which  exist  to  this 
day.  For  want  of  serious  instruction,  you  find  in  the 
Catholicism  of  the  Indians  numerous  remains  of  the  old 
Aztec  paganism.” 


RELIGIOUS  CEREMONIES. 

Devotional  One  day  I was  present  at  an  Indian  dance, 

dance  and  . , . 

masquerade,  celebrated  in  honor  ol  the  Fatron  Samt  of  the 
village.  Twenty-four  girls  and  twenty-four  boys  were 
dancing  in  the  church,  in  the  presence  of  the  priest.  An 
Indian,  with  his  face  concealed  under  a mask  of  an  imag- 
inary divinity  resembling  the  Devil,  with  horns  and  claws, 
was  directing  the  figures  of  the  dance,  which  reminded  me 
of  that  of  the  ‘Red  Skins.’  I remarked  to  the  priest, 
who,  for  all  that,  was  an  excellent  priest,  that  it  was  very 
incongruous  to  permit  such  a frolic  in  a church.” 

“ ‘ The  old  customs,’  he  replied,  ‘ are  respectable  ; it  is 
well  to  preserve  them,  only1  taking  care  that  they  do  not 
degenerate  into  orgies.’ 

no  Christian  “ Notwithstanding  the  simple  faith  of  the  In- 
mstruction.  cpang5  js  evident  that  they  have  only  the  tat- 
tered shreds  of  Catholicism.  These  shreds  are  better  than 
absolute  destitution.  But  with  tact,  disinterestedness, 
and  truly  Christian  instruction,  these  Indians  would  make 
the  best  Catholics  in  the  world.” 

“ The  religious  customs  of  the  Mexicans  are  scarcely 
less  of  our  times,  than  are  those  of  the  Indians.  They  lead 
to  the  most  ridiculous  absurdity,  to  say  nothing  more.” 

“ During  holy  week,  I have  seen  processions 

A sad  spectacle.  ° ^ _ 1 

of  three  thousand  persons  stripped  and  covered 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


only  with  sackcloth,  so  coarse  as  to  show  that  the  indi- 
vidual had  not  even  a shirt.  The  different  phases  of  the 
passion  of  Christ  were  represented  by  groups  of  painted 
statues,  large  as  life,  and  by  men  and  women  placed  upon 
stages,  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  hundreds  of  Indians.  The 
.bearers,  bending  under  the  weight  of  their  burden,  would 
go,  from  time  to  time,  to  refresh  themselves  at  the  liquor 
shops,  leaving  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  the  groups  rep- 
resenting the  Passion.  Jews  and  Romans,  decked  with 
helmets  of  tin  plate,  breastplates  of  pasteboard,  and 
breeches  embroidered  with  silver,  made  a part  of  the  pro- 
cession.” 

“ In  some  cities,  there  are  a great  many  processions. 
I remember  an  instance,  in  which  I saw  the  Romans  in 
one  procession,  intoxicated  by  the  Zouaves,  attack  the 
Jews  in  another  procession,  who  were  passing  the  same 
street  at  the  same  time.  The  Jews  left  the  Cross  and  the 
Madonnas  they  were  bearing,  and  gave  the  Romans  such 
a drubbing  that  they  bore  the  marks  of  it  many  a day.” 

“ There  are  cities  where  they  pay  a poor  Indian  to 
personate  Jndas,  and  allow  the  whole  crowd  of  the  ‘ faith- 
ful’ to  spit  in  his  face  during  the  whole  day.” 

Christmas  Eve  “ The  mysteries  of  the  middle  ages  are  utterly 

almost  incred-  . " 

ibl«-  outdone  by  the  burlesque  ceremonies  ot  the 

Mexicans.  The  accouchement  of  the  Virgin  on  Christmas 
night  appears  to  me  indecent.  In  France,  the  police 
would  forbid  the  ceremony,  as  a shock  to  public  morals.  But 
public  morality  being  a thing  unknown  in  Mexico,  the 
custom  of  representing  the  accouchement  of  the  Virgin  in 
many  of  the  churches  offends  no  one.  No  father  of  a fam- 
ily objects  to  taking  his  daughter  to  see  the  procession, 
where  Mary  appears,  enciente , marching  round  the  church. 
After  the  procession,  the  Priest  takes  from  beneath  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


205 


skirts  of  the  Virgin  the  infant  Jesus,  in  swaddling  bands, 
who  is  first  placed  upon  the  altar,  and  then  marched 
around  the  church.  In  the  diocese  of  Puebla,  the  color 
and  figure  of  the  infant,  and  the  manner  of  holding  it,  made 
our  troops  think  that  the  man,  who  carried  the  child  was 
a musician  ; accustomed  to  march  with  an  ophicleide  and 
streaming  ribbons.” 

Burial  of  the  “Modesty  of  soul  is  an  exotic  plant  that  does 
not  thrive  in  Mexico.  It  withers  and  dies  before 
it  is  born.  In  Europe,  the  Catholic  church  has  such 
respect  for  the  body  of  man  sanctified  by  its  sacraments, 
that  it  blesses  even  the  earth  that  receives,  the  mortal  re- 
mains of  a Christian.  In  Mexico,  man  is  buried  like  an 
unclean  animal,  without  priest,  ceremony,  or  prayer. 
Four  men,  relatives  or  friends,  bear  the  body  on  a bier  or 
a hurdle,  and  lay  it  in  a ditch.” 

“ Being  one  day  at  Notre  Dame  de  Guadalupe,  I 
saw  borne  in  upon  a cross  made  of  two  planks,  the 
dead  body  of  a man  covered  with  a sheet.  After  some 
prayers  repeated  in  haste,  the  cloth  was  removed  and  the 
body  entirely  exposed.  It  was  then  placed  in  a corner  of 
the  church,  awaiting  its  interment.  If  there  had  been  any 
women  near  me,  I believe  I should  have  made  a scene 
with  that  sacristan,  so  indignant  was  I at  his  want  of 
propriety.” 

Burial  of  “ The  custom  is  well-known  of  decorating  dead 

infants,  adorning  them  with  the  wings  of  geese, 
paper  crowns,  ribbons  and  flowers,  then  marching  them 
about  on  a chair,  or  laid  upon  a table,  and  burying  them 
with  the  noise  of  fire-crackers  and  the  sound  of  instru- 
ments playing  polkas  and  quadrilles.” 
speculation m “In  Mexico,  as  well  as  in  the  interior  of 

dead  bodie3.  , i • t 1 . -.  . 

the  empire,  I have  seen  more  revolting  things 


206 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


than  these.  The  '“pulque'1  merchants  hire  dead  bodies, 
called  ‘ cmgelitos ,’  as  a means  of  attracting  customers. 
At  first  they  pray,  then  they  drink ; and  the  young  girls 
make  appointments  with  their  paramours.  The  dead  body 
often  thus  serves  several  merchants,  and  is  not  interred  as 
long  as  it  can  be  endured.” 


MEXICAN  FAIR  FOR  THE  DEAD. 


The  idea  of 
death. 


“ The  idea  of  death  has  no  terror  to  Mexicans. 
They  die  with  as  much  indifference  as  they  live. 
In  Mexico,  ‘ All-Saints  Day’  should  be  called  the  ‘Fair 
for  the  Dead.’  It  is  the  ‘New  Year’s  day’  of  the  country. 
The  shops  are  in  holiday  dress.  Merchants  of  bon-bons 
and  cakes,  the  theatres,  marionettes,  &c.,  are  all  alive.  This 
fair  lasts  eight  days.  In  the  shops  you  see  death’s  heads 
in  sugar,  jointed  skeletons,  cadavers  in  spring  boxes,  cata- 
falques in  miniature,  the  tombs  of  bishops  and  priests  with 
weeping  women  around.  Every  good  Mexican  attends 
this  fair.  A lover  buys  for  his  maiden  a death’s  head  in 
sugar,  as  big  as  your  fist.  A mother  buys  for  her  child  a 
complete  burial  scene.  The  husband  regales  his  wife  with 
a sepulchre  in  black  and  white.  Every  one  goes  home  as 
happy  as  possible.  Gayety  and  folly  ! Little  gifts  cherish 
friendships.  And  these  gracious  presents  foster  this  strange 
indifference  to  death.” 


The  marriage 
ceremony. 


“ One  of  the  greatest  evils  in  Mexico  is  the 


exorbitant  fee  for  the  marriage  ceremony.  The 
priests  compel  the  poor  to  live  without  marriage,  by  de- 
manding for  the  nuptial  benediction,  a sum  that  a Mexi- 
can mechanic,  with  his  slender  wages,  can  scarcely  accumu- 
late in  fifty  years  of  the  strictest  economy.  This  is  no  exag- 
geration. The  consequences  of  the  excessive  demands  for 
perquisites  in  general,  are  as  lamentable  to  public  mo- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


207 


rality  as  to  religion.  One  of  the  first  duties  of  the  Mexi- 
can Episcopate  should  be,  in  my  opinion,  to  reduce  the 
fee  for  baptisms,  marriages,  dispensations,  and  everything 
else  indispensable  to  the  performance  of  religious  duties.” 
“ Formerly  the  monks  of  the  Church  of  Buffa,  situated 
on  one  of  the  highest  eminences  of  Zacatecas,  performed 
the  marriage  ceremony  for  a more  moderate  fee  than  the 
priests  in  the  city.  The  poor  of  course  naturally  went, 
for  economy’s  sake,  to  be  married  at  the  chapel  on  the 
mountain,  rather  than  in  the  parish  church.  But  if  the 
fee  was  small,  still  there  was  a fee.  If  the  parties  had 
not  a crown,  as  there  is  no  credit  in  Mexico  since  the  in- 
dependence, they  pawned  their  little  jackasses,  and  left 
them  with  the  monks.  The  sacristie  became  a novel 
pawn-broker’s  shop.  The  asses  being  somewhat  bulky  on 
deposit,  and  expensive  withal,  when  strolling  about  doing 
nothing,  the  monks  put  them  to  service  in  carrying  water 
to  Zacatecas,  from  a spring  near  the  chapel.  It  being  the 
only  good  water  there,  they  sold  it  at  two  sous  a load. 
The  asses  not  reclaimed,  and  multiplying,  the  sacristan 
has  continued  the  religious  industry  of  the  order  ; and  the 
water  has  yielded  more  than  a million  of  francs  since  the 
traffic  began.” 

a Sunday  “One  Sunday,  a market-day  at  Zacatecas,  I 
was  noticing  from  my  balcony,  the  crowd  of  buy- 
ers and  sellers.  The  exhalations  from  their  tattered 
dresses  quite  overcame  me.  The  noise  of  the  market  men 
and  women,  in  calling  attention,  and  praising  their  arti- 
cles, was  deafening  beyond  expression.  But  the  exhibi- 
tion of  dress  and  of  manners  so  attracted  my  attention, 
that  I could  not  but  stay,  in  spite  of  the  noise  and  the 
smells.  Some  were  killing  the  vermin  from  their  clothes 
or  persons  with  their  vegetables — a frightful  massacre. 


208 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Others  were  taking  off  shirts  and  skirts,  to  leave  at  the 
pawn-brokers.  The  details  which  I saw  it  would  be  im- 
possible to  imagine.  I will  not  describe  them.  They 
must  be  seen,  to  be  believed.” 

“ At  the  stroke  of  the  clock  from  the  cathedral  tower, 
to  announce  that  the  priest  chanting  mass  was  elevating 
“ The  Host,”  every  outcry  ceased  as  by  enchantment. 
Absolute  silence  followed  the  tumult.  Hats  off,  the  whole 
crowd  fell  upon  their  knees  until  the  third  stroke  of  the 
bell  told  the  end  of  the  elevation.” 

The  amulet  “ The  Mexicans  do  notdike  to  be  embroiled  in 

against  law- 

suits,  &c.  the  law.  So  they  often  recite  the  prayer  of 
Montserrato,  which  I have  seen  attached  to  the  doors  of  a 
multitude  of  houses  in  the  haciendas,  ranches,  and  vil- 
lages of  the  interior.  At  the  head  of  the  prayer  are  these 
lines : 

“ This  prayer  contains  so  much  virtue,  that  those  who 
recite  it,  shall  never  be  exposed  to  the  law ; their  house 
shall  never  be  visited  by  the  police ; the  wife  who  wears 
it  around  her  neck  shall  always  be  happily  delivered.” 

“ It  is  almost  impossible  to  photograph  the  moral, 
political,  and  religious  phases  of  the  Mexicans.  The  con- 
trasts, the  amalgamation  of  good  and  evil,  the  puerilities 
of  big  children,  are  so  strange  they  would  scarcely  be  be- 
lieved.” 

“ The  observations  I have  made  of  the  religious  senti- 
ments of  the  Mexicans  are  not  confined  to  the  ignorant 
classes.  They  apply  equally  to  those  ivho  are  well  to  do." 
Social  and  “To  close  this  subject,”  says  the  Abbe,  “I  must 
questions.  frankly  enter  upon  the  politico-religious  question, 
which  is  of  such  vital,  such  exceptional  importance  in  Mex- 
ico. Whatever  may  be  the  consequence  of  speaking  of  the 
clergy  as  I have  done,  I have  not  hesitated  to  do  it,  that 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


209 


I may  not  be  suspected  of  partiality  when  I take  up  the 
social  and  political  questions  that  belong  to  them.” 

OPPOSITION  TO  THE  EMPIRE. 

Bishops  and  The  opposition  of  the  Mexican  clergy  to  the 

Empu'e.01'  Empire  has  been  greatly  exaggerated  and  mis- 
represented. The  entire  body  of  the  bishops  and  the 
clergy  were  in  favor  of  the  government  of  Maximilian. 
Their  sympathies  were  alienated,  only  when  the  govern- 
ment ratified  and  carried  out  the  policy  and  course  of 
Juarez  in  ecclesiastical  matters.  The  clergy  then  simply 
said,  ‘ If  the  two  governments  pursue  the  same  policy,  we 
prefer  a national  government  of  our  own  to  foreign  dom- 
ination.’ ” 

The  policy  of  I have  conversed  often,  and  at  length,  with 

Juarez  adopted  . ° 

by  Maximilian,  most  all  of  the  bishops  of  Mexico,  and  have 
always  found  them  very  favorable  to  the  Emperor,  and  dis- 
posed to  sustain  him.  But  when  their  privileges,  their 
properties,  their  seminaries  were  taken  away,  and  nothing 
given  in  return,  but  calumnies  to  boot,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  they  did  not  applaud  such  proceedings,  which 
they  did  not  expect.  It  would  have  been  easy  to  have 
come  to  an  understanding  with  them,  and  to  have  secured 
their  co-operation.  It  would  have  been  wiser  and  better 
than  to  have  alienated  them.  Has  not  a forming  govern- 
ment  need  of  the  aid  of  all  the  powers  of  the  country  ? 
He  that  is  not  for  us  is  against  us.  We  shall  yet  see  that 
the  support  of  the  clergy  was  one  of  the  first  necessities 
of  the  new  empire.” 


THE  LAW  OF  JUAREZ. 


The  French 
pamphlet 
asjainst  the 
Bishops. 


“ In  order  to  facilitate  the  ratification  of  the 
decrees  of  Juarez  relative  to  property  in  mort- 
14 


210 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  pamphlet 
effective. 


main,  the  unfortunate  idea  was  conceived  of  having  a 
chaplain  of  the  French  army  write  a pamphlet  against 
the  high  Mexicau  clergy.  This  pamphlet,  ill-judged  and 
ill-executed,  contained  gross  and  gratuitous  insults,  with- 
out common  sense  or  reason.  It  addresses  the  bishops 
who  complain  of  the  conduct  of  the  government  towards 
them,  as  follows  : ‘ It  is  not  an  honorable  exile  to  a for- 
eign land  that  awaits  you,  but  a rope  and  a gallows.’  ” 

“ This  pamphlet,  in  the  worst  possible  taste, 
has  produced  a great  effect,  a great  sensation,  in 
Mexico ; all  the  clergy,  all  the  conservatives,  that  is  to 
say,  four-fifths  of  the  population,  have  cried  out  against 
the  author.  Among  foreigners,  those  who  know  how  to  read 
and  to  honor  all  respectable  authority  have  warmly  disap- 
proved of  this  pamphlet.  The  chaplain  would  not  sign  his 
name  to  his  sorry  pages,  more  worthy  of  a corporal  of  the 
guard,  than  of  a priest.  If  he  had  known  the  least  in  the 
world  of  the  question  about  which  he  wrote,  he  would  sin- 
gularly have  modified  his  language.” 


THE  CLERGY  FOR  INTERVENTION  AND  MONARCHY. 

The  real  parti-  “It  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  most 

sans  of  the  in-  “ 7 

terventiou.  zealous  partisans  of  the  intervention  have  been 
the  conservative  ecclesiastics  and  laity,  who  have  suf- 
fered every  kind  of  persecution  under  preceding  govern- 
ments, and  that  they  could  not  be  hostile  to  the  Empire, 
which  they  have  desired  and  aided  in  every  way  in  their 
power.” 

“The  London  Globe , in  February,  1864,  published  an 
article  expressing  astonishment,  to  see  the  regency  dissolve 
the  first  body  of  the  Mexican  magistracy  and  replace  it 
with  other  magistrates,  from  whom  they  had  previously  ex- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


211 


acted  the  promise  to  sustain  the  views  of  the  regency  re- 
specting the  pagares,  that  is  to  say,  the  sale  of  property  in 
mortmain.” 

adopt'd  the7  “The  Globe  was  right,  for  the  action  of  the 
Juarez?*  regency  in  tile  matter  of  the  pagares  proved  that 
it  was  neither  an  easy  nor  a popular  thing,  since  the  mag- 
istracy of  the  country  did  not  believe  it  was  possible 
to  sustain  it.  When  it  is  considered  that  the  principal 
ground  of  opposition  to  the  Juarez  Government  was  the 
sale  of  ‘ property  in  mortmain,’  it  is  easily  understood 
why  the  regency,  in  adopting  the  same  policy,  would  find 
the  same  opposition.” 

“ The  empire  ought  to  have  approved  and 
regulated  the  sale  decreed  by  Juarez  ; because 
the  division  and  sale  of  the  property  is  a resource  of  the 
State.  But  it  ought,  first  of  all,  to  have  established  and 
fortified  it,  by  reconciling  the  offended  sympathies  of  that 
conservative  party  which  had  invited  them,  instead  of 
alienating,  from  the  outset,  the  only  true  friends  they 
could  have.” 


The  only 
friends  and 
sopport  of  the 
Empire. 


THE  CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

^tehencilrgy  “ Modern  civilization  is  the  enemy  of  ‘ prop- 
a?iTwSaer.of  erty  in  mortmain.’  And  it  is  right.  In  the  name 
of  progress,  it  begins  almost  always  at  once  to  plunder  the 
owners  of  such  property,  in  order  to  sell  it.  And  as  such 
properties  are  singularly  the  possession  of  the  clergy,  and 
of  religious  establishments,  it  is  by  their  sale  that  the  de- 
struction of  the  old  social  state  of  past  ages  begins.  In 
France,  in  Spain,  in  Italy,  the  sale  of  properties  in  mort- 
main did  not  create  a great  social  revolution.  But  in 
Mexico*  it  stirred  up  general  discontent,  and  created  civil 


war 


I ” 


212 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


weli?h!andrs’  “ The  public  reprobation  of  this  measure  was 
Ecclesiastics.  not  merely  a religious  sentiment.  It  was  a mat- 
ter of  interest  as  well.  * * In  Mexico  it  was  equally 

a religious,  a political,  and  a financial  question,  affecting 
many  other  persons  besides  the  Secular  clergy,  and  the 
two  hundred  communities  of  men  and  women  who  were 
despoiled.” 


The  ciergy,  “ This  explains  itself.  The  property  of  the 
of  Mexico.  clergy,  in  Mexico,  constitutes  the  basis  of  credit, 
agricultural  and  personal.  The  shareholders  are  the  na- 
tional religious  corporations.  In  selling  these  at  a low 
price  to  certain  foreigners,  public  credit  has  been  de- 
stroyed, and  no  other  financial  institution  has  yet  taken 
its  place.  It  is  perhaps  not  known,  that  agricultural 
and  personal  credit  has  existed  in  Mexico  for  two  cen- 
turies. The  clergy  invented  it  ever  since  they  became  pos- 
sessors of  real  estate.” 

Productive  and  “The  ecclesiastical  property  of  Mexico  con- 

unproductive  . . -.  . 

property.  sisted  of  productive  and  unproductive  capital. 
The  productive  capital  included  interest,  money,  and 
ground-rents  of  the  entire  property  of  the  clergy.  It 
maintained  their  splendid  worship,  sustained  the  estab- 
lishments of  education  and  of  charity,  and  finally  was  a 
fund  in  aid  of  the  farmer,  the  merchant,  the  artisan,  and, 
indeed,  of  the  necessities  of  all  classes  of  society. 

“The  unproductive  property  consisted  of  the  value 
of  the  churches,  convents,  sacred  vessels,  and  articles 
employed  in  worship.” 

“According  to  the  laws  promulgated  at  Vera 
Cruz  m 1859,  the  unproductive  property  of  the 
clergy  could  not  be  made  the  property  of  the  nation.  The 
other  property  should  be  awarded  to  purchasers  for  a 
value,  represented  by  the  lease  or  annual  rent,  which  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


213 


tenants  were  paying  to  the  proprietors.  One-third  was  to 
be  paid  “ en  bonds ” (pagares),  which  represented  the 
credit  of  the  home  department.  Two-thirds  were  payable 
in  money. 


SALE  OF  CHURCH  PROPERTY. 

Sequestration  “After  the  taking  of  Mexico  in  1860,  the  re- 
property. formed  government  declared  the  churches,  con- 
vents, and  their  possessions,  the  property  of  the  State. 
The  cathedrals  and  parish  churches  alone  were  excepted. 
The  real  estate  was  sold  at  a ridiculously  low  price,  as 
well  as  objects  pertaining  to  public  worship,  chandeliers, 
gold  and  silver  vases,  and  other  vessels  ornamented  with 
precious  stones.  An  aggregate  value  of  two  millions  of 
dollars  of  landed  property  was  sold  to  strangers  for  eighty 
thousand  dollars.  Some  persons  made  considerable  for- 
tunes by  the  objects  of  gold  and  silver  service  for  worship, 
which  they  re-sold  in  Europe.” 

“ The  pagares , bonds,  were  mostly  on  long  terms.  They 
represented  more  than  three  millions  of  dollars , and  were 
sold  in  reality  for  eighty  thousand.  So  that  those  who 
have  these  possessions  have  been  stigmatized  with  the  con- 
temptuous term  of  detentadores — bond-holders.” 

“ The  clerical  proprietors  used  to  lease  their  properties 
at  a very  moderate  rate,  at  about  one-eighth  of  the 
rates  of  the  new  holders.  Besides,  they  lent  at  interest 
or  on  mortgage,  to  the  farmers,  merchants,  and  artisans. 
The  new  proprietors,  of  sharper  practice,  continually 
recalled  the  loans  on  mortgage,  renewing  them  at 
considerable  advance  ; so  that  the  tenants  and  mortgagees 
found  themselves  all  at  once,  either  in  ruinous 
circumstances,  or  under  the  necessity  of  dishonoring  their 
engagements.  The  judges  on  their  part  refused  to  try 


214 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


cases  in  ligation  involving  the  validity  of  pagares.  The 
conscience  of  the  magistrate  and  of  the  citizen  revolted 
at  the  idea  of  recognizing  the  validity  of  such  bonds,  and 
all  the  world  knows  that  their  consciences  are  not  over- 
scrupulous.” 


The  Abbe’s  “The  disorders  resulting  from  this  question 

views  of  the  . ° . . . ? 

result.  became  very  serious,  lhe  public  were  deprived 
of  the  use  of  an  immense  capital,  which  had  always 
been  at  its  service  for  two  centuries.  Reclamations  were 
so  numerous  that  the  execution  of  the  law  relative  to 
rents,  to  the  demolition  of  churches,  of  convents,  and 
benevolent  institutions,  was  for  some  time  suspended.  On 
all  sides,  suits  were  commenced,  with  which  the  judges  did 
not  wish  to  meddle.  It  now  appears  why  it  was  that  the 
Mexican  population,  to  a certain  extent,  was  interested  in 
maintaining  the  ‘ statu  quo,1  because  the  sale  of  property 
in  mortmain  had  excited  a civil  war ; and  why  the  con- 
servatives made  such  an  outcry,  when  it  was  told  to  them 
that  the  French  intervention  would  sanction  the  acts  of 
the  Juarez  Government.” 

“ It  is  impossible  to  undo  the  past.  But  the 
Imperial  government  should  have  inaugurated 
its  reign  by  the  publication  of  a “ Concordat  with  the  Holy 
See ,”  declaring  valid  all  the  sales  of  the  church  property, 
regularly  made.  It  should  then  have  come  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  clergy,  and  regulated  the  action  of  the 
government  in  conformity  with  the  usage  in  other  Catho- 
lic countries.” 


Fealty  to  the 
Pope. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


215 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  INTERVENTION,  ACCORDING  TO  THE  ABBE  DOMENECH. 


The  Interven- 
tion. 


Mexicans  in 
Europe. 


In  Chapter  VII.,  the  Abbe  Domenech  treats 
of  the  intervention.  He  says,  “ Whatever  were 
the  motives  that  led  to  the  intervention,  the  campaign  in 
Mexico  might  have  been  the  most  brilliant  act  in  the  reign 
of  Napoleon  III.”  “If  the  Emperor  had  succeeded,  it 
Avould  have  been  one  of  the  most  humane,  glorious,  and 
important  enterprises  of  the  XIX.  century.” 

“ The  greater  part  of  the  Mexicans  who  fur- 
thered most  the  creation  of  the  Empire  had  been 
in  Europe  many  years.  They  no  longer  knew  the  actual, 
moral  condition  of  the  country,  nor  the  measures  necessary 
to  heal  its  disorders.” 

Who  these  gentlemen  were,  their  motives  and  objects, 
and  the  consequent  deceptions,  may  appear  in  the  sequel 
of  this  work. 

“Every  thing  was  a delusion.  Unhappily,  there  were  a 
great  many  interested  parties.  However,  be  that  as  it 
may,  we  were  deceived  on  every  side,  and  urged  on,  if  not, 
by  a chivalric  sentiment,  like  that  which  led  us  to  take  up 
arms  for  the  Christians  in  Syria,  and  for  the  independence 
of  the  Italians,  at  least,  by  a sentiment  of  high  policy. 
France  entered  upon  Mexico,  and  substituted,  in  favor  of 
the  Archduke  Maximilian,  a monarchy  for  a republican 


regime. 


“ The  intervention  presents  so  many  aspects,  and  such 
varied  points  of  view,  that  it  would  require  volumes  to  re- 
cord the  studies,  which  a faithful  observer  would  have  to 
describe.” 


216 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


THE  CHEAT  ENTERPRISE  OF  THE  XIX.  CENTURY. 

“ I shall  show  that,  if  the  Emperor  had  succeeded,  the 
intervention  would  have  been  one  of  the  most  philan- 
thropic, glorious , and  important  enterprises  of  the  XIX. 
century  I 

crow“perors  “ The  influence  of  France,  on  which  the  Mexi- 
crOTra°h  can  Government  ought  to  have  relied,  was  en- 
tirely set  aside  on  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian. 
The  Emperor  being  very  liberal  in  his  ideas,  and  not 
knowing  that  Mexico  had  repudiated  the  conservative 
party , which  gave  him  the  Crown,  sought  to  attach  the 
liberals  to  his  interests,  by  sacrificing  his  only  true  friends, 
and  placing  power  in  the  hands  of  members  of  the  liberal 
party,  more  or  less  moderate  in  their  views.  The  confi- 
dence of  the  Sovereign,  the  honors  and  positions,  were 
divided  among  a multitude  of  national  nobodies,  aspiring 
renegades,  interested  weather-vanes,  birds  of  prey,  in  a 
word,  the  refuse  of  the  two  parties  that  divided  the  Em- 


THE  REPUBLICANS. 

French  view  of  1 ' The  power  being  thus  in  the  hands  of  va- 

the  Republi-  . 1 . . , 

cans.  grants,  without  principle,  without  energy  for  any 

good,  without  a shadow  of  patriotism,  universally  despised, 
betraying  their  Sovereign  by  studied  flatteries,  by  stupid 
opposition,  by  notorious  incapacity  and  faithlessness,  the 
government  fell  into  the  most  absolute  disrepute,  and  the 
intervention,  unable  to  defend  itself,  lost  its  prestige.” 

Loyalty  to  “ Almost  all  the  employes  of  the  government, 

Mexico,  treason  ..  ...  ..  ,,  . 

to  France.  from  the  minister  to  a village  judge,  torm  the 
category  of  men  whom  I have  just  described.  Many  of 
them  were  public  felons,  and  if  they  had  been  judged  by 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


217 


French  laws  and  French  judges,  the  gallows  and  the  gal- 
leys would  have  left  few  of  them  in  the  country.  These 
men,  jealous,  envious,  and  fools,  kept  sincere  and  truly 
honest  men  aloof.  Their  contracted  ideas,  their  anti- 
national selfishness,  repelled  ever}’  generous  thought  or 
useful  counsel,  suggested  either  by  patriots  or  by  foreign- 
ers, to  promote  social  progress,  public  prosperity,  or  the 
consolidation  of  the  Empire.  Most  of  these  political 
eunuchs  had  such  shallow  brains  as  to  sacrifice,  even  with- 
out knowing  it,  their  own  personal  interests  to  their  indi- 
vidual animosities  and  jealousies.  They  would  have 
neither  French  intervention,  nor  the  Emperor  Maximilian. 
Holding  in  their  hands  the  power  and  the  honors,  they 
would  not  share  them  with  foreigners,  much  less  surrender 
them.  Their  pretext  was,  as  they  knew  the  country  bet- 
ter, they  knew  better  how  to  govern  it.” 

MEXICAN  INGRATITUDE. 

Ingratitude  of  “ All  who  understand  the  human  heart,  know 
ko  to  France,  ingratitude  affects  a nation.  F ranee  is  learning 
this  sad  truth  every  day,  to  its  cost.  Italy,  which  owes  its 
existence  and  its  unity  to  us,  nevertheless  hates  us,  as  if  we 
had  made  her  a fatal  gift.  Mexico  was  about  to  owe  her 
welfare  and  existence  as  a nation  to  us  ; nevertheless,  all 
the  employes  of  the  government  we  wished  to  establish, 
were  hostile  to  us.  The  conquered  never  loves  the  con- 
queror. Does  not  national  pride  create  the  most  incom- 
prehensible national  antipathies ! ” 

“ A certain  general,  who  had  had  many  years  of  con- 
tact and  conflict  with  the  authorities  of  Mexico,  said  that 
‘ what  would  forever  prevent  Mexico  becoming  any  thing, 
was  the  Mexicans  themselves.  Their  bad  faith,  their  idle- 
ness, their  incapacity,  passes  all  bounds  of  imagination.’ 


218 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Mexican  prow-  “The  liberals,  encouraged  and  reenforced  by  the 

ess.  The  French  7 J 

mistake.  numerous  deserters,  Belgian,  Austrian,  and  even 
French,  have  learned  to  measure  swords  with  us.  It  is 
scarcely  two  years  ago  since  they  fled  before  us,  as  from  a 
pestilence.”  * * * “ To-day  the  Mexicans  know  that  we 
are  not  invincible.  Would  it  have  Teen  so,  if  we  had  not 
diminished  our  forces,  just  in  proportion  as  we  extended 
the  circle  of  our  operations ; if  we  had  limited  that 
circle  ; if  we  had  aimed  at  a moral  conquest,  instead  of  a 
material  one,  quite  impossible  with  so  limited  a force  ? ” 
“The  moral  conquest  of  Mexico  was  easy.  Every 
honest  Mexican,  every  one  who  had  a family  to  support, 
or  a dollar  to  save,  was  in  favor  of  the  intervention.”  * * 
“ Except  the  self-styled  liberals , armed  with 
carbines  or  poniards,  who  do  not  wish  order 
on  any  terms,  the  Mexican  people,  interventionists  or 
conservatives,  are  for  a monarchy.  That  is  the  only  form 
of  government  they  desire,  and  is  the  only  one  suited  to 
them.  * * * The  monarchical  sentiment  is  in  their  blood, 
it  is  the  universal  liking.” 


An  assertion. 


A FRENCH  PRINCE  FOR  THE  THRONE. 

An  “arrive  “ Before  the  arrival  of  the  Emperor,  the  Mexi- 
pen=ee.  cans  were  familiar  with  the  idea  of  seeing  a 
French  Prince,  or  indeed  a Marshal  of  France,  govern 
Mexico.  Many  residents  of  the  high  plateaux  thought 
that  the  statu  quo  was  only  a provisional  arrangement, 
accepted  for  the  nonce,  in  deference  to  England  and  the 
United  States,  but  that  we  should  finish  the  business,  by 
taking  the  reins  of  power  ourselves.” 

Monarchy  to  “ Notwithstanding  his  absence,  monarch v 

be  the  life  of  , . _ . . . . . 

Mexico.  would  have  given  to  Mexico  a mighty  vitality  ; 
republicanism,  on  the  contrary,  has  weakened  it,  by 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


219 


instability,  civil  war,  and  corruption.  The  idea  of  a mon- 
archy is  far  from  having  been  started  by  the  French  inter- 
vention. It  was  born  of  the  force  of  circumstances.  The 
initiative  of  it  belongs  entirely  to  Mexico.  It  is  altogether 
Mexican.  The  European  convention  of  October  31st  was 
the  result.  The  general  opinion  was,  that  the  nation  could 
not  maintain  itself — that  its  ruin  was  inevitable  without 
foreign  aid.  There  had  been  for  a long  time  before  the 
cabinets  of  Europe,  applications  for  intervention,  even  from 
the  Mexican  Government  itself'  as  we  shall  soon  see.” 

MEXICAN  COMMISSIONERS  TO  THE  BRITISH  AND  TO  THE  FRENCH 

GOVERNMENTS. 

“ The  question  of  monarchy  in  Mexico  is  not  a recent 
one.  Passages  in  the  report  of  M.  Gutierrez  de  Estrada, 
presented  to  the  British  Government,  and  to  that  of  Louis 
Philippe,  prove  it.  This  report,  unfortunately,  had  no 
result,  in  consequence  of  the  estrangement  of  the  two  gov- 
ernments growing  out  of  the  Spanish  marriages.” 

REPORT  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS. 

The  Mexican  “ The  old  Monarchical  party,”  says  the  Re- 
Monarchists.  p0r^  u wp[cp  was  compelled  to  merge  itself  in 

the  Centralist  party,  after  the  fall  of  Iturbide,  and  which 
also  yielded  in  good  faith  to  the  Republican  system,  never- 
theless believed  it  would  yet  recover  from  its  long  lethargy. 
The  scattered  members  of  the  party  united  again.  A new 
revolution  broke  out.  General  Paredes,  rallying  to  the 
monarchical  party,  was  its  active  instrument.  The  Gov- 
ernment of  General  Herrera  made  way  for  that  of  Pare- 
des. The  manifesto  which  he  published  left  no  room  to 
doubt  of  his  intentions.  Leaving  entirely  to  a constituent 
assembly,  the  power  to  decide  the  form  of  Government 


220 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


which  should  hereafter  rule  the  country,  this  manifesto 
clearly  indicated  that  monarchy  alone  could  save  it  from 
anarchy,  secure  the  repose  it  needed,  and  the  prosperity  of 
which  it  was  capable.” 

DUTY  AND  DESTINY  OF  MEXICO.  , 

“ Mexico  had  henceforth  a duty  to  fulfil,  as  a member 
of  the  family  of  nations,  which  it  could  not  perform  with- 
out the  cooperation  of  foreign  governments  ; and  hence, 
for  Europe,  the  duty,  and  much  more  the  necessity,  to 
come  to  the  aid  of  Mexico.” 

Appeal  of  the  “The  monarchical  party  made  great  progress 
pean  monarchs.  m a very  short  time.  It  was  composed  of  men 
most  respectable  for  their  morality  and  social  position,  and 
of  the  generality  of  the  clergy,  and  of  citizens  enlightened 
by  the  experience  of  the  past.  This  party  sought  to  at- 
tach itself  to  Europe  by  a bond  which  offered  guarantees 
for  the  future  : namely,  to  consolidate  the  social  institu- 
tions of  Mexico  ; to  establish  commercial  relations  be- 
tween the  old  world  and  the  new ; to  guarantee  the  nu- 
merous stocks  invested  in  Mexican  mines ; in  a word,  to  put 
an  end  to  the  revolutions  so  fatal  to  distant  transactions ; 
and  finally,  to  close  the  door  against  those  abuses  which 
occasion  so  frequent  differences  between  foreign  powers, 
and  those  ephemeral  governments  to  which  Mexico  was 
periodically  subjected.” 

Animus  of  the  It  is  notorious,”  says  M.  Domenecb,  in  respect 

of  freedom,  to  this  Report,  “ that  those  Mexicans  who  desired 
sincerely  the  well-being  of  their  country,  made  this  appeal 
to  Europe  with  great  earnestness.  It  was  painful  for  them, 
no  doubt,  to  confess  that  they  could  not,  without  the  help 
of  Europe,  save  themselves  from  that  principle  which 
was  destroying  the  existence  of  their  country ; but  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


221 


truth  cried  louder  than  vanity,  and  they  had  to  confess  it. 
Even  the  liberals  themselves,  who  applied  for  American 
intervention,  only  obeyed  that  secret  instinct  which  de- 
clared that  Mexico  could  not  govern  itself.  They  only 
deceived  themselves  as  to  the  consequences  of  that  inter- 
vention. 

“ Maximilian  has  done  more  for  the  welfare  and  hap- 
piness of  the  Mexicans,  than  the  republic  has  done  in  half 
a century.” 

THE  SPECTKE  OF  THE  YANKEES. 

The  Imperial  “There  are,”  said  the  Mexican  Times  lately, 

Dynasty  un-  . 4/7 

popular.  “ Mexicans  who  believe  that  they  could  rejoice 
in  the  evacuation  and  probable  fall  of  the  Empire.  Very 
well.  Suppose  the  French  gone,  and  the  Imperial  dynasty 
ended.  After  all,  the  Yankees  will  come,  and  what  will 
follow  ? 

Kind  warning  “ They  will  enter  every  city,  every  village,  every 
Yankees.  hacienda.  They  will  seize  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, and  fill  all  public  positions  with  men  of  accommo- 
dating views  and  morals.  The  Indians  will  be  penned  up, 
and  placed  under  legislation  that  will  soon  make  an  end 
of  them.  Every  mine  will  be  overrun  and  exhausted. 
These  pioneers  will  establish  themselves  in  every  hacienda 
and  drive  off  the  proprietors.  The  national  costumes 
will  be  a butt  of  ridicule,  religion  despised,  and  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  country  trodden  under  foot.  Every  road  to 
fortune  will  be  blocked  up,  by  a horde  of  greedy  monopo- 
lists.” 

The  armies  of  “ Never  did  a people  commit  a greater  error 

Grant,  and  e 

se°tt.  than  that  of  the  Mexicans  to-day,  who  will  judge 
the  Republican  army  of  Grant  by  the  American  army  of 
Scott.  They  no  more  resemble  each  other  than  Samson 


222 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


with  his  flowing  hair,  and  Samson  shorn  in  the  lap  of 
Delilah.  The  republican  party  in  America  has  tasted  blood, 
and  its  thirst  is  now  insatiable.  It  is  given  up  to  pas- 
sions so  formidable,  that  nothing  now  remains  but  the 
sentiment  of  despotism.  It  has  Butlers  for  Vera  Cruz, 
Sheridans  for  the  Valley  of  Mexico,  and  Milroys  for  in- 
terior cities.  Their  soldiers  now  know  how  they  subdue 
refractory  populations.” 


TIIE  UNITED  STATES. 

^VplthyTn  “ The  United  States  have  no  sentiments  in  com- 
pubiks. Rc’  mon  with  the  Mexicans ; but,  on  the  contrary,  are 
separated  from  them  by  every  possible  difference  of  man- 
ners, social  habits,  traditions,  and  interests.  If  ever  the 
United  States  come  to  Mexico,  it  will  be  to  re-model,  re- 
people, re-baptise,  and  absorb  the  country  until  the  very 
soil  shall  produce  only  Connecticut  nutmegs,  and  the  birds 
warble  the  ‘ Star  Spangled  Banner 1 / ” 


FINAL  WAKNING  TO  THE  MEXICANS. 

Final  warning  One  word  more  to  those  Mexicans  who  in- 

against  Ameri-  ...  . TTT, 

cans.  vite  this  annexation  and  conquest.  When  you 

shall  see,  which  may  God  preserve  you  from  it,  a provost- 
guard  in  every  hamlet,  a company  in  every  village,  a regi- 
ment in  every  city,  going,  coming,  swearing  against  the 
country,  with  full  consciousness  of  their  power  and  full 
license  of  their  natural  brutality,  then  you  will  bitterly  re- 
pent not  having  sustained  a regime  which  sought  to  iden- 
tify itself  with  all  your  sentiments  and  all  your  customs. 

“ Who  shall  save  Mexico  from  the  revolutionary  bond- 
age, or  from  the  destruction  of  its  nationality,  threatened 
by  the  odious  calculations  of  the  Government  at  Wash- 
ington ? God  alone  can  now  deliver  her.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


223 


The  enterprise  Such  are  some  of  the  views  of  the  French 
of  the  century.  of  the  expeditionary  corps  respecting 

the  intervrention.  It  may  be  supposed  that  the  Abbe 
was  not  entirely  uninformed  of  the  counsels  of  the  Em- 
peror, and  it  is  quite  evident  from  his  narrative,  that  he 
knows  more  than  he  tells.  We  may  be  able  in  the  sequel 
to  eliminate,  from  the  sketch  he  has  given,  some  features  of 
that  “ grand  and  glorious  undertaking"  which  promised 
to  be,  for  France,  the  crowning  glory  of  the  reign  of  Napo- 
leon III.,  and  for  Europe  and  the  world,  the  grandest 
enterprise  of  the  XlXtli  century 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  MEXICAN  QUESTION  AND  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT THE  CHAM- 

BER OF  DEPUTIES. 

M.  Domenech  devotes  the  last  chapter  of  his  book  to 
an  exposition  of  the  Mexican  question,  from  an  American 
and  from  a European  point  of  view.  His  comments  upon 
the  whole  movement  of  the  intervention,  its  inception,  its 
policy,  and  the  great  ulterior  objects  of  European  Govern- 
ments on  this  continent,  throw  much  light  upon  the  sub- 
ject. His  qua-si  official  relations  to  the  Empire,  the  avowed 
objects  of  his  book,  and  the  portrait  he  has  drawn  of  Amer- 
icans, of  the  American  Government,  of  American  states- 
men, of  the  National  policy  and  aims,  designed  to  influ- 
ence public  opinion  in  Europe,  make  it  desirable  that  the 
character  and  spirit  of  his  writings  should  be  understood. 
His  representations  of  the  condition  and  moral  influence 
of  “ the  Church  ” party  and  the  Church  institutions  in 
Mexico,  cannot  be  suspected  of  bias  to  their  prejudice. 
The  testimony  of  the  volume  is  therefore  valuable,  in  sus- 
taining the  statements  of  other  authors. 


224 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Mexico  in  the  “ The  speeches  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 

Chamber  of  . 1 _ • 1 * 

Deputies.  during  the  last  three  sessions,  on  the  Mexican 
question,  have  astonished  the  residents  in  Mexico,  national 
and  foreign.  No  one  could  believe  that  these  speeches, 
lor  or  against,  could  be  seriously  made,  when  every  month 
forty  thousand  letters  arrive  in  Europe,  telling  a different 
story.  Four  or  five  orators  who  know  nothing  of  Mexico, 
with  imperfect,  exaggerated,  and  false  information,  have 
treated  the  question,  in  a manner  and  with  a positiveness 
truly  astonishing.  MM.  Jules  Favre  and  Picart  have 
spoken  in  a way  to  convince  all  Mexico,  that  they  are 
ignorant  of  the  first  word,  and  have  not  the  least  idea  of 
what  is  passing  in  this  country.” 

monarchy—  “ M.  Eoulier  alone  has  spoken  from  a point  of 
fibrium.1  Lqul"  view  sufficiently  elevated,  to  meet  the  approval 
of  all  who  understand  the  importance  of  our  expedition 
to  our  commercial  interests,  and  to  the  moral  and  political 
equilibrium  of  civilized  nations''' 

Mexi“Candf  “ I have  devoted  twenty  years  to  the  study  of 
Question.  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  their  history, 
their  institutions,  their  tendencies,  the  machinery  of  their 
administrations,  and  individuals  who  occupy  different 
positions  in  the  social  scale.  My  studies  have  had  no  other 
object  than  to  know  what  is,  not  what  I could  wish  to  be. 
I have  studied  the  anthropology  of  the  Mexican  races  in 
their  cities,  villages,  plains,  and  mountains.  The  result  of 
all  this  fatigue,  study,  and  labor  is,  that  Mexico,  such  as  it 
is  to-day,  and  the  Mexican  question,  are  two  things  little 
understood  in  Europe.” 

Opposition  in  ‘ It  is  natural  that  the  dynastic  opposition, 

Trance  to  the  . . . 

grand  act.  and  the  republican  opposition  of  the  corps  legis- 
lative and  of  the  press,  should,  right  or  wrong,  attack  our 
intervention  in  Mexico.  But  for  all  that,  this  intervention 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


225 


might  become  the  grandest  political  act  of  our  century , by 
pursuing  its  object  with  intelligence  and  energy  to  success. 
Parliamentary  opposition  in  France  having  undertaken  to 
criticize  the  government  in  all  its  acts,  ought  to  blame  it 
for  having  created  the  Mexican  question.  It  has  seen,  or 
pretended  to  see,  only  the  sacrifices,  without  deigning  to 
consider  the  advantages.” 

Alleged  grounds  Its  patriotism,  judged  by  the  speeches  and 
of oppoMuo».  wrpqn2.s  would  lead  us  to  the  most  humiliating; 
conclusion,  if  we  should  allow  ourselves  to  be  misled.  In 
attacking  the  Mexican  expedition,  it  virtually  attacks  the 
government  in  its  work  ; in  causing  it  to  fail,  it  achieves  a 
moral  victory,  which  will  become  a weapon  in  its  hands 
for  future  use.  Hence  this  furious  opposition,  of  which 
Mexico  is  only  the  pretext,  but  the  clipping  of  the  imperial 
prestige  is  the  real  object.” 

Monarchy— a If  the  Mexican  question  had  been  better 

Foreign  Sot-  . 

ereign— the  comprehended  m the  counsels  of  the  government 
federacy.  p would  have  been  better  defended.  It  would 
have  been  said,  from  the  start,  ‘We  wish  a monarchy  in 
Mexico , because  it  is  the  only  regime  which  is  suited  to  the 
country ; we  wish  a a foreign  sovereign , because  the  nation 
have  asked  it , as  being  the  only  strong  and  stable  govern- 
ment it  can  have.’  We  have  perhaps  been  wrong  in  not 
facilitating  the  consolidation  of  the  empire,  by  recognizing 
the  Southern  confederacy.  The  Prince  himself  is  mistaken 
in  the  policy  he  has  pursued ; but  our  honor  and  our  in- 
terests are  involved,  and  we  cannot  leave  Mexico  until 
they  are  protected.” 

Latin  America  “ The  success  of  our  expedition  concerns  not 

a French  , A 

market.  merely  our  national  self-love,  the  honor  of  our 
flag,  but  above  everything  else,  our  commerce.  Upon  it, 
depends  the  supremacy  of  our  moral  influence  in  the  New 
15 


226 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


World,  where  live  four  hundred  thousand  Frenchmen. 
This  influence  is  credit,  and  what  is  credit  but  fortune  ? 
Latin  America,  that  is  to  say,  Mexico,  Central  and  South 
America,  would  become  to  France  what  Asia  is  to  Eng- 
land— its  vast  market.  Bilious  temperaments  and  narrow 
minds  cry  out  against  foreign  expeditions.  Why  do  they 
not  cry  out  against  the  progress  of  the  age  ? Foreign  ex- 
peditions secure  new  outlets  for  our  industry,  new  markets 
for  our  commerce.  They  create  a foreign  credit,  to  which, 
England  and  the  United  States  owe  all  their  power  and 
wealth.  Foreign  credit,  is  it  not  the  fort  une  of  commercial 
nations  ? 

“ When  the  present  situation  and  the  political  tenden- 
cies of  Spanish  America  are  understood,  it  will  quickly 
appear  how  the  success  of  our  intervention  would  influence 
all  the  Republics  of  the  Latin  race" 

“ A consolidation  of  the  Mexican  Empire  would  be  the 
moral  and  political  resurrection  of  the  Latin  race  in  the 
new  hemisphere. 

alptwfratobe  “The  Monroe  doctrine  (who  can  doubt  it?) 
mademonar-  . nothing  else  than  the  first  fruits  of  that  grand 

theme,  the  preponderance  of  the  Latin  race  over  the  civ- 
ilization of  one-half  the  globe.  It  is  a cry  of  alarm,  utter- 
ed prophetically  to  the  nations  of  the  North,  to  put  them 
on  their  guard.  If  monarchy  should  be  successively  in- 
troduced into  the  Spanish  Republics,  in  ten  years  the 
United  States  would  themselves  declare  a dictatorship , 
which  is  a kind  of  Republican  monarchy , adopted  by 
degenerate  or  too  revolutionary  Republics.” 

FRENCH  VIEW  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

“ The  conduct  of  the  United  States  in  this  Mexican 
question  seems  to  have  been  understood  only  in  Mexico.”' 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


227 


The  united  “Whether,  on  account  of  the  crushing  debt, 
states  helpless,  wjjich  wp[  rencjer  another  war  impossible  for  the 

United  States,  for  a long  time  to  come,  or  whether,  on 
account  of  the  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  of  the 
government  at  Washington,  in  the  reconstruction  of  the 
American  Union,  the  men  in  power,  and  all  considerate 
American  inter- men  in  the  United  States,  desire  peace  at  any 
ions.an  °pm  price.  The  eminently  practical  spirit  of  Ameri- 
cans leads  them  to  lay  aside  their  sympathies  for  this  or 
that  form  of  government,  among  their  neighbors,  because 
the  interests  of  their  industry  and  commerce  are  so  con- 
cerned in  a stable  order  of  things.  The  Mexican  Repub- 
lic has  never  been  a market  for  them.  The  consolidation 
of  the  empire,  on  the  contrary,  promised  them  an  impor- 
tant outlet  for  their  machines,  coal,  woollen  and  other 
goods.  To  judge  of  public  opinion  in  the  United  States 
by  the  language  of  the  journals,  is  an  error  that  they  will 
never  commit  who  have  lived  long  in  the  country,  and 
have  taken  the  paius  to  study  it.  Besides,  I will  yet  show 
that  this  language  has  not  always  been  hostile  to  Mexico.’' 

TACTICS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

The  flourish  of  “ Unhappily,  our  statesmen  and  orators  of  the 

the  Monroe  . . 1 ^ 

Doctrine.  opposition,  have  appeared  to  ignore  the  necessi- 
ty of  the  tactics  of  the  American  Government.  They 
have  taken  literally,  that  which  was  only  a formula,  a 
means  of  strengthening  its  position.  Thus,  after  the  elec- 
tions in  New  Jersey,  when  the  radical  or  republican  party 
was  about  to  become  a majority  in  the  Chambers,  the  Gov- 
ernment then,  pursuing  with  wise  perseverance  the  plan 
of  reconstruction  which  it  had  before  the  war,  in  order  to 
secure  the  co-operation  of  the  majority,  sacrificed  in  words, 
the  foreign  to  the  domestic  policy.  It  flourished  the  Mon- 


228 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


roe  doctrine,  in  order  to  secure  the  good  will  of  the 
radicals,  or  to  restrain  their  hostility.  It  placed  itself  at 
the  head  of  the  movement,  in  order  to  direct  it.  By  a 
skilful  manoeuvre,  it  went  so  far,  that  the  Chambers  were 
afraid,  as  I shall  presently  prove,  of  a real  conflict  with 
France.  So  they  immediately  sent  the  Mexican  question 
to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.  That  was  to  send 
it  to  the  Greek  Calends,  as  the  Cabinet  at  Washington 
desired.  Later  still,  the  Juarez  loan  had  a worse  result 
than  that ; it  was  completely  abandoned.” 

POLICY  OF  TUE  SECEETAEY  OF  STATE. 

Mr. Seward’s  “Mr.  Seward,  in  his  correspondence  with  Eu- 
ropean Governments,  reveals  a spirit  in  which 
finesse  becomes  cunning.  He  knows  that  the  United 
States  is  the  country,  where  reigns  the  most  colossal  char- 
latanism in  the  world.  Politics,  liberty,  administrations, 
every  thing  is  charlatanism.  But  he  understands  the  pres- 
tige of  the  unknown,  of  distance,  of  cost,  and  he  employs  it 
skilfully.  In  attempting  to  intimidate  European  powers, 
Mr.  Seward  knew  beforehand  what,  next  to  the  fear  of 
new  complications,  were  the  most  pressing  interests  to 
secure  attention  to  his  words.” 

Reply  of  m.  “ M.  Drouyn  de  L’huys  replied  to  his  letters  by 
L’huys.  concessions.  The  course  of  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment, the  German  question,  which  threatened  to  set  all 
Europe  on  fire,  discouraged  him.  He  did  not  dare  to  say 
to  the  United  States,  ‘ Mind  your  own  business,  leave 
Mexico  alone ; we  will  leave  it  when  our  interests  are 
satisfied.’  Our  reply  made  Mr.  Seward  more  bold  with 
Austria.  He  forbade  the  departure  of  Austrian  volun- 
teers. The  Cabinet  of  Vienna  hastened  to  obey,  instead 
of  revolting  against  such  pretensions.  What  could  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


229 


Yankees  have  done  against  the  South,  but  for  their  German 
and  Irish  volunteers?  But  logic  does  not  enter  into  the 
policy  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  races.11 

“ Why  does  not  Mr.  Seward  continue  to  act  thus, 
since  he  has  succeeded  so  well.  England  and  the  United 
States  have  almost  an  identical  policy.  In  questions  of 
honor  and  humanity,  if  they  do  not  touch  their  interests, 
‘ no  interference ; 1 in  questions  purely  political,  or  of 
national  sympathy,  ‘ a great  deal  of  noise,’  but  no  draw- 
ing of  the  sword ; in  their  reciprocal  transactions,  ‘ menace 
or  concession,’  according  to  the  interest  of  the  moment.” 


COURTESY  OF  THE  ABBE  DOMENECH. 


International 

Comity. 


“ The  Yankees  remind  me  of  the  Spanish  mata- 
dores,  who  brandish  the  sword  from  the  balcony 
and  threaten  to  kill  everbody.  If  by  chance  a passer  by 
says,  ‘ Come  down  then,  and  kill  me,  if  you  dare,’  down 
comes  the  matadore,  offers  the  hand,  and  swears  eternal 
friendship.  If  Europe  had  used  more  firm  and  decided 
language,  the  United  States  would  not  have  scoffed  as 
they  have  done,  for  some  time  past.  This  condescension, 
which  passes  now  and  then  for  feebleness,  may  one  day 
cost  dear.  If  this  government  is  left  to  busy  itself  in 
affairs,  over  which  it  should  have  no  control,  it  will  soon 
be  felt  Aveighing  heavily  upon  European  politics  and 
interests.” 

“We  forget  too  soon,  that  in  1846,  when  the  United 
States  invaded  Mexico,  even  then  distracted  Avitli  internal 
revolutions,  the  army  of  invasion,  seventy-five  thousand 
strong,  took  two  years  to  do  its  Avork,  lost  tAventy-four 
thousand  men,  and  cost  a thousand  million  francs.  It 
Avould  be  Avorse  to-day.  The  Americans  knoAV  it,  and  do 
not  Avish  Avar,  at  any  price.  Why  should  Ave  then  be  afraid  ? 


230 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ELEVATED  VIEWS  OF  M.  LAMARTINE. 

“ Let  me  here  quote  from  M.  Lamartine,  not  that  I 
concur  in  all  his  ideas  about  the  Americans — even  if  these 
gentlemen  do  ‘ chew  tobacco,1  they  know  how  to  clear  up 
a country,  to  cultivate  land,  to  make  machines,  as  they  do 
not  in  Europe — but  because  he  has  very  elevated  and  cor- 
rect ideas  of  this  Mexican  Question. 

“ ‘ The  idea  of  the  position  we  should  take  in  Mexico,  is 
a grand  idea,  not  understood — an  idea  as  just,  as  it  is 
necessary,  broad  as  the  ocean,  new  as  the  occasion,  the 
idea  of  a statesman,  fertile  as  the  future,  and  as  much  for 
the  salvation  of  America,  as  for  the  world.1 

“ ‘ We  must  take  an  elevated  view  to  conceive  of  its 
bearing.’ 11 


AMERICA  THE  PROPERTY  OF  THE  HUMAN  RACE. 

America  be-  “ In  starting  with  the  principle,  which  is  now 

longs  to  the  , ° . . ~ % . 

human  race.  a fact,  that  the  American  Continent  is  the  com- 
mon property  of  the  human  race,  and  not  of  the  shattered 
Union  of  a single  race,  without  title  and  without  right, 
at  least  to  Spanish  America  and  the  Latin  race,  mother 
of  all  civilization,  it  evidently  follows  that  the  principle  of 
the  protection  of  Europe,  and  of  its  independence,  at  least 
in  the  Seventeen  Republican  States  of  South  America,  be- 
longs to  us,  and  to  all  the  powers  of  the  Old  World.  We 
must  foresee  events,  and  protect  the  Latin  race ; and  in 
order  to  protect  it,  we  must  first  take  possession  of  the 
point  menaced  by  the  United  States.11 

AMERICA  THE  PROPERTY  OF  EUROPE. 

America  he-  ‘ It  must  be  done,  or  we  plainly  declare  that 

rope.  the  whole  new  Continent,  the  property  of  Europe , 

will  belong,  in  five  and  twenty  years  perhaps,  to  these 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


231 


American 

piracy. 


armed  pioneers,  who  avow  no  other  title  to  their  usurpa- 
tion but  their  own  convenience,  and  who  permit  such 
citizens  as  Walker  to  raise  a fleet  and  an  army  against 
Cuba,  while  their  own  Federal  General,  in  the  name  of  the 
Union,  takes  possession  of  Mexico,  and  from  thence  all 
the  civilized  capitals  of  the  South  ! ” 

“ Why  should  Europe  or  the  Old  World  con- 
cede to  the  United  States,  these  rights  of  piracy 
upon  sea  and  land,  while  we  in  the  Old  World  recognize 
not  only  the  right  to  protect  interests  of  universal  impor- 
tance, but  even  more,  the  right  to  take  possession  of  all 
kinds  of  property,  the  use  of  which  is  necessary  to  the 
public,  indemnifying  therefor  the  States  or  individuals  to 
which  they  belong  ? ” 

“ Does  the  principle  of  protection  of  interests  useful  to 
all,  which  we  concede  to  a town  or  parish,  belong  less  of 
right  to  an  entire  continent  to  protect  itself  in  its  inde- 
pendence1? Evidently  not.  We  do  not  say,  ‘Take  pos- 
session of  the  United  States  of  Spanish  America.  Their 
peculiar  organic  anarchy  will  possess  them  enough.  But 
we  do  say,  Europe  has  the  right,  and  we  add  the  duty,  not 
to  give  over  the  Latin  race,  Spanish  America,  one  half  of 
this  magnificent  part  of  the  globe  which  still  remains  free 
and  independent,  more  than  one  half  of  the  heavens  and 
earth,  and  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World.” 


Anglo-Saxon 

monopoly. 


EUROPEAN  INTERESTS  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD. 

“ What  are  the  common  and  sacred  interests, 
the  necessities  of  the  whole  human  race,  which 
the  policy  of  the  Old  World  cannot  and  ought  not  to  de- 
liver up  to  the  mercy  of  the  United  States  of  Anglo-Saxon 
America  ? ” 

“ They  are  the  capital  of  the  whole  world,  employed 


232 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


by  some,  necessary  for  all,  in  our  state  of  civilization,  and 
in  our  system  of  exchange,  which  gives  us  for  all,  the  gold 
coin,  as  necessary  as  bread.  The  gold  mines  are  there !” 

“ In  the  second  place,  the  food  of  the  old  world,  the 
wheat,  the  flour,  the  corn,  potatoes,  by  which  the  people 
live,  the  privation  of  which  entails  upon  Europe,  in  years 
of  scarcity,  incalculable  calamities  and  depopulation.” 

“ In  the  third  place,  the  industries  which  have  become, 
especially  for  some  years,  by  the  wages  they  yield  to  at 
least  forty  millions  of  the  operatives  in  the  manufacture 
of  cotton,  the  veritable  and  indispensable  support  of  labor 
and  of  life.” 

“ And  finally,  commerce,  which  necessitates  a marine 
and  sailors,  a floating  population  incalculable  as  the  num- 
ber of  men  who  live  upon  the  sea,  and  more  incalculable 
still,  as  the  element  of  our  national  power.  To  permit 
the  United  States  to  repeat  the  folly  of  the  first  Empire, 
to  lay  an  anti-European  blockade,  not  only  upon  their  own 
ports  but  upon  the  world,  as  they  have  just  proclaimed,  is 
not  merely  a cowardice, — it  is  to  accept  the  supremacy  of 
New  York — it  is  to  abdicate  navigation,  commerce,  cotton, 
free  exchange,  the  marine  of  the  old  world, — it  is  to 
live  no  longer — but  the  death  of  life.” 

“ One  of  their  rare,  but  most  eloquent  and  honest  of 
their  political  orators,  said  to  me  one  day,  “ Our  liberty 
consists  in  doing  everything  that  is  most  disagreeable  to  our 
neighbors.'1'' 

THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 

European  in-  44  Mr.  Monroe,  one  of  the  flatterers  of  this  peo. 

tervention  in  . . . - . . 

America.  pie,  said,  in  order  to  be  praised,  4 Ihe  time  has 
come  when  we  ought  not  to  suffer  Europe  to  meddle  with 
the  affairs  of  America,  but  you  ought  hereafter  to 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


233 


make  your  superior  influence  felt  in  the  affairs  of  Eu- 
rope.’ 

“The  ‘Monroe  doctrine’  is  an  English  importation, 
accepted  by  American  credulity,  which  does  not  see  its 
absurdity.  Since  the  time  of  Canning,  every  time  the  Pre- 
mier takes  snuff,  the  Washington  Cabinet  sneeze.  When 
Canning  wished  to  decapitate  Spain  in  America,  he  said 
to  Mr.  Monroe,  ‘No  monarchies  on  the  Continent.’  And 
the  President  put  this  phrase  into  his  message,  thinking 
it  would  do  very  well.  The  phrase  was  sufficiently  ridicu- 
lous,— Russia,  France,  England,  Spain,  and  Denmark 
having  vast  possessions  in  America,  and  the  United  States 
not  dreaming  the  least  in  the  world  of  dispossessing  them. 
The  Brazilian  monarchy,  was  it  not  founded  at  the  very 
time  of  the  Presidency  of  Monroe  ? ” 

European  dis-  “ European  powers  having  not  the  least  desire 

interestedness.  . . -i  • r*  . e . i it 

to  take  possession  of  any  part  of  the  new  world, 
in  order  to  establish  monarchies  there,  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine does  not  mean,  to-day,  America  for  the  Americans, 
and  Europe  for  the  Europeans, — that  is  to  say,  Mexico 
for  the  Mexicans,  Guatemala  for  the  Guatemalians,  Peru 
for  the  Peruvians,  &c.  ; it  means  Mexico  for  the  North 
Americans,  Central  America  for  the  North  Americans,  the 
whole  continent,  from  Cape  Horn  to  Hudson’s  Bay,  for 
the  North  Americans.  These  are  the  pretensions ; and 
if  internal  affairs  did  not  so  engross  the  public  mind,  they 
would  manifest  themselves  with  more  audacity.” 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  OCCIDENT. 


The  spectre  of 
Americans. 


“ If  the  Americans  take  possession  of  Mexico, 
they  will  become  as  much  masters  of  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific,  in  that  hemisphere,  as  Russia  would  be  mistress 
of  the  Mediterranean,  if  she  held  the  Dardanelles. 


234 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


France  and  England  could  not  permit  such  an  invasion 
without  abdicating,  in  favor  of  the  United  States,  the 
sceptre  of  the  seas,  and  compromising  their  whole  indus- 
trial and  commercial  future.  Let  no  one  be  deceived. 
The  Mexican  Question  lies  at  the  very  base  of  a new 
question,  which  looms  up  as  the  day-dawn  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  nations,  the  rights  and  the  new  wants  which  are 
going  to  change  modern  society  in  every  country  on  the 
globe.  It  is  the  Question  of  the  Occident , otherwise  more 
grave  and  important  than  the  Question  of  the  Orient.  The 
United  States  are  the  American  Colossus,  as  Russia  is 
the  Asiatic.  Mexico  and  Turkey  are  the  two  equally  for- 
lorn 4 sick  men.1 

44  These  two  States  are  alike  unable  to  defend  them- 
selves, and  covetous  eyes  are  as  sharp  and  open  at  Wash- 
ington as  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  Mexican  expedition 
would  prevent  a Crimean  war  on  a vast  scale  in  the  New 
World,  and  forestall  a formidable  shock  to  which  the 
fatality  and  timidity  of  European  governments  seems 
urging  them  on.11 

“the  white  house  and  the  press.” 

American  “After  having  exposed  in  a general  manner 
parties.  tactics  of  the  American  Government  on  the 

Mexican  Question,  I ought  to  explain,”  continues  the  Abbe, 
“ more  particularly  the  motives,  and  lest  I should  be  charged 
as  a visionary,  I will  take  my  information  from  the  side- 
scenes  of  the  4 White  House,1  and  from  the  American 
press.” 

44  In  all  his  Diplomatic  correspondence,  as  in  all  his  life, 
Mr.  Seward  obeys  the  inflexible  necessity,  already  stated,  of 
reckoning  with  parties,  of  manipulating  electoral  occasions, 
and  cutting  the  grass  beneath  the  feet  of  the  adversa- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


235 


ries  of  the  administration  he  represents.  He  cannot,  and 
will  not,  leave  to  the  opposition  the  monopoly  of  patriotic 
lano-uag-e,  and  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  He  takes  the 
lead,  and  assumes  the  very  attitude  himself  in  which  his 
enemies  proposed  to  attack  his  policy.” 


THE  EOLE  or  AMERICAN  STATESMEN. 


American 

diplomacy. 


“In  this  respect  the  statesmen  of  the  United 
States  show  a particular  kind  of  cleverness  which 
it  is  difficult  to  understand,  except  from  long  acquaintance. 
But  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  remember  it,  lest  you 
mistake  the  bearing  of  their  actions.  European  govern- 
ments understand  this,  and  therefore  their  relations  with 
the  Cabinet  at  Washington  take  a different  form  from 
their  other  international  relations. 

“They  tolerate  from  Washington  what  they  would 
not  from  any  other  power,  because  they  know  and  under- 
stand the  exceptional  circumstances  of  that  Government, 
which  to  tell  the  truth,  is  not  one,  in  the  ordinary  accep- 
tation of  the  term.” 

The  secretary  “ It  is  easy,  besides,  to  trace,  in  the  suc- 
and  congress.  cess*ve  Jespatchcs  of  Mr.  Seward,  the  crush- 
ing pressure  under  which  he  writes.  When  Congress 
adjourns,  he  is  left  master  of  the  situation,  and  confines 
himself  to  general  indications  of  the  bad  moral  effect, 
which  events  in  Mexico  produce  in  the  United  States. 
As  the  session  approaches,  he  multiplies  and  emphasizes 
those  representations.  Then  he  nominates  a minister  to 
the  Juarez  Government,  protests  against  certain  measures 
of  the  Mexican  Government ; then,  when  the  opening  ses- 
sions of  Congress  reveal  the  extent  to  which  agitators  pro- 
pose to  push  the  Mexican-  Question,  he  goes  still  farther : 
he  declines  the  arrangement  which  France  indirectly  pro- 


236 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


poses  ; lie  writes  to  M.  Bigelow  his  despatch  of  Dec.  16th, 
which  would  have  the  air  of  an  ultimatum,  if  the  guarded 
form  did  not  distinctly  declare  that  he  meant  neither  to 
olfend,  nor  menace,  nor  defy.” 

a congres-  “ The  object  of  all  his  tactics  was,  so  to  proceed 
sionai  flank.  w]ien  p^g  documents  should  be  communi- 

cated to  Congress,  the  opposition  should  find  that  instead 
of  out-flanking  the  government,  they  were  themselves  out- 
flanked. That  is  just  what  happened.  In  asking  for  the 
documents,  the  House  did  not  expect  to  find  the  business 
so  cut  and  dried.  They  purposed  to  accuse  the  Secretary 
of  State  of  feebleness,  and  to  place  themselves  before  the 
country  in  the  attitude  of  high  national  spirit,  by  some 
sounding  declaration.  They  were  surprised  and  baffled 
in  their  calculation,  by  finding  that  what  they  intended 
to  do,  Mr.  Seward  had  already  done.  To  go  any  farther, 
meant  war.  This  prospect  checked  the  movement.  Mr. 
Seward,  avIio  knew  his  countrymen  better  than  any  one 
else,  desired  nothing  more.  One  will  play  with  fire  only 
when  he  sees  it  far  off.  To  avoid  the  danger,  he  had 
brought  Congress  face  to  face  with  the  conflagration.” 

o o o 

THE  SECRETARY  AND  THE  MINISTER, — MM.  SEWARD  AND  DROUYN  DE 

l’huys. 

“ The  despatch  of  M.  Drouyn  de  L’huys,  of 
the  6th  of  April  last,  was  a deception  for  Mr. 
Seward.  He  was  pleased  with  the  idea  of  gaining  a point, 
not  more  in  fact,  than  in  appearance.  With  Mr.  Seward, 
the  withdrawal  of  the  intervention  was  not  the  essential 
point.  What  he  had  at  heart  was,  that,  in  fixing  the 
limit,  France  should  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  United 
States,  and  thus  give  eclat  to  his  diplomacy.  But  the 
form  in  which  Napoleon  announced  his  resolution,  took 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


237 


away  this  triumph.  The  note  in  the  ‘ Moniteur 1 was 
addressed  to  the  French  Government,  and  not  to  that  at 
Washington.  The  Secretary  cherished  a secret  spite,  and 
as  he  is  not  a man  to  drop  quietly  a matter  in  which  his 
reputation  and  popularity  as  a statesman  are  concerned, 
he  turned  his  batteries  against  Austria,  pretending  to 
forbid  her  the  right  to  recruit  there  the  foreign  legion  for 
Maximilian.” 


The  Austrian  “ This  pretension  Avas  put  for  Avar  d by  Mr. 
correspondence.  gewarq  wph  a most  serious  gravity,  and  Avith  a 

determination  more  serious  still.  This  time  there  was  no 
roundabout  Avay  to  take  ; and  one  could  see  Iioav  comfort- 
able he  felt  to  have  finished  the  affair  Avith  France.  If 
the  Austrian  Government  should  permit  a single  soldier 
to  embark  for  Mexico,  the  United  States  Avould  terminate 
all  relations  with  her.  Such,  at  a single  stroke,  Avere  the 
first  and  the  last  Avords  of  this  slightly  courteous  pro- 
ceeding.” 


“ One  is  not  surprised  to  see  the  Secretary  of  State 
work  up  this  novel  incident.  His  pre-eminence  in  chi- 
canery is  Avell  knoAvn,  from  which,  he  always  finds  means 
to  make  capital  for  his  fame  of  cleverness.  But  the  abso- 
lute terms  in  which  he  has  successively  stated  this  question 
have  astonished  the  whole  Avorld.” 

Mr.  Seward’s  “ Mr.  Seward  cames  his  assurance  to  the  very  last 

point,  where  he  sees  it  is  imprudent  to  go  further. 
He  knows  A\dien  to  stop  ; and  if  ever,  by  chance,  he  is  led 
on  by  illusion  too  far,  he  manages  a retreat,  and  never 
fears  to  retrace  his  steps.  The  man  Avho,  in  November,  1861, 
declared  “ urbi  et  orbi,”  that  he  would  never  release 
Messrs.  Slidell  and  Mason,  and  six  weeks  after  delivered 
the  tAVO  prisoners  on  board  an  English  vessel,  this  man 
Avill  never  be  embarrassed  in  taking  the  back  track.  M. 


238 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Seward  is  a perfect  personification  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment. These  explanations  are  necessary,  in  order  to  un- 
derstand the  role  played  by  the  United  States  in  the 
Mexican  Question.” 

“ The  important  point  for  the  Cabinet  at  Washington 
has  been  gained.  It  was  not  the  promise  made  by  France 
to  recall  her  troops.  That  was,  paradoxical  as  it  may 
seem,  only  a secondaiy  consideration.  The  true  object  of 
the  correspondence  of  the  Secretary  of  State  was  for  effect, 
to  get  through  the  session  of  Congress,  without  its  throw- 
ing a bomb-shell  it  would  be  impossible  to  extinguish.  M. 
Seward  was  sure  of  mastering  the  situation,  if  he  could 
keep  it  in  his  own  hands.  He  was  not  sure  of  it,  if  the 
Mexican  Question  should  pass  out  of  his  control,  and  fall 
into  the  domain  of  Congressional  discussion.  To  prevent 
that,  was  his  constant  effort.  Here  lies  the  secret  of  his 
whole  correspondence.  In  rising  to  the  height  of  such  a 
purpose,  he  has  followed  much  more  the  calculations  of  his 
own  domestic  policy,  than  any  intention  of  exactions  from 
France.” 


RELATIONS  OF  THE 


’ QUESTION  ” TO  AMERICA,  TO  THE  WORLD,  AND 
TO  FRANCE. 


Mexico  and  the 
Dynasty. 


“Having  thus  explained  the  Mexican  Ques- 
tion, from  the  point  of  view  of  civilization,  of  the 
new  interests  of  the  whole  world,  of  Americans,  and  of 
Mexicans,  it  remains  to  consider  what  it  is  for  France.”  * 

* * * “The  systematic  enemies  of  the  Napoleon  Dynasty 
have  made  the  Mexican  Question  a sort  of  battering  ram, 
to  attack  and  unsettle  the  imperial  throne  from  the  tri- 
bune and  by  the  Press.  I might  add  to  this  number  those 
men  who,  not  understanding  the  national  grandeur  and 
power  there  is  in  annexation  and  military  conquest,  take  it 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


239 


ill,  that  France  should  bear  the  loss  of  men  and  money  in 
the  creation  outside,  of  an  independent  empire,  and  the 

resurrection  of  a people.” 

® * $ * 4s  # 

“ It  requires  neither  sagacity  nor  any  rare  elevation 
of  spirit,  to  understand  that  those  principles  of  honor  and 
prosperity,  which  it,  is  well  at  all  times  to  maintain,  are  to- 
day more  than  ever  indispensable  to  the  preservation  of 
European  influence  in  the  New  World.” 

* * * * * 

“In  the  midst  of  the  chaos  which  the  Mexican  question 
presents,  in  its  internal,  international,  political,  and  finan- 
cial complications,  in  the  midst  of  all  the  contrasts  of  good 
and  ill  which  I have  had  to  expose,  in  order  to  show  the 
difficulties  of  the  situation,  its  plagues  and  remedies,  I will 
recapitulate  in  few  words  what  I have  said,  with  perhaps 
too  much  of  desultory  plainness,  without  troubling  myself 
about  the  form  and  details.” 

RESUME  OF  THE  ABBE  DOMENECH  S VIEWS. 

“ Mexico  is  actually  a poor  country,  notwithstanding 
its  immense  natural  riches.” 

“ To  develop  it,  requires  roads  and  foreign 

Summary.  . . ,, 

colonization. 

“ The  Mexicans  have  all  the  vices  and  all  the  quali- 
ties of  Southern  Latin  races.” 

“ The  Creoles  are  very  intelligent,  and  the  most  en- 
lightened class  in  Mexico,  as  the  Indians  are  the  most 
docile  and  the  most  laborious.” 

“ In  Mexico,  more  than  anywhere  else,  political  parties 
are  actuated  by  interest,  and  not  by  convictions.  Mo- 
narchical ideas  preponderate  immensely  over  republican.” 
“The  monarchical  form,  with  a foreign  sovereign,  is  the 


240 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


only  possible  government,  and  the  only  desire  of  the 
majority  of  the  nation.” 

“ The  Mexican  Question  is  a question  of  honor  and  of 
influence,  and  besides,  concerns  to  the  last  degree  our  in- 
dustrial and  commercial  future,  and  that  of  the  whole  of 
Europe.” 

“ Our  intervention  in  Mexico  was  very  popular.  The 
bandits  alone  were  opposed  to  us.” 

“ It  would  have  been  good  policy  to  have  recognized 
the  Southern  confederacy,  in  order  to  make  the  work  of 
intervention  more  speedy.” 

“ When  we  decided  upon  the  expedition  to  Mexico, 
we  ought  to  have  governed  it  five  years  at  least,  before 
offering  the  crown  to  any  one,  whoever  he  might  be.  That 
would  have  cost  us  less,  and  we  should  have  been  reim- 
bursed our  expenses  to-day.” 

“ The  political  system  inaugurated  by  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  was  premature,  and  compromised  the  Empire 
more  than  the  opposition  to  his  government.” 

“ As  one  does  not  create  a monarchy  with  republicans, 
he  should  have  leaned  for  support  in  his  government  upon 
conservatives,  and  not  upon  liberals.” 

The  Mexicans  having  demoralized,  overturned,  and 
ruined  their  country  when  they  governed  it,  the  adminis- 
tration should  place  in  power,  as  much  as  possible,  and 
above  all,  the  French.” 

“ The  combination  by  which  we  should  occupy  the 
maritime  ports  and  administer  the  custom-houses,  account- 
ing one-half  to  the  Mexican  government,,  would  save  our 
work,  and  save  Mexico  from  republican  anarchy  and  from 
American  slavery. 

“ The  Emperor  Maximilian  could  not  save  Mexico, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


241 


except  by  acting  always  in  accord  with  France.  Un- 
happily he  scarcely  ever  did  it.” 

“ Without  the  active  intervention  avowed  by  the 
United  States,  the  Mexican  Empire  would  have  still  been 
able  to  survive  the  departure  of  our  troops,  and  to  have 
consolidated  itself  under  the  new  imperial  regime.  But  the 
attitude  of  the  United  States,  and  the  sickness  of  the  Em- 
press Carlotta,  took  away  the  last  human  hopes  upon  the 
subject.” 

* -X-  * * # * 

“ If  the  army  of  the  United  States  or  the  hordes  of 
American  filibusters  invade  Mexico,  it  is  evident  that  the 
Emperor,  not  being  in  posture  to  oppose  them,  must  leave. 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tuileries 
trusts  in  the  promise  of  the  United  States  not  to  intervene 
in  Mexico,  and  that  this  intervention  is  not  foreseen. 

“ If  we  permit  the  Americans  to  destroy  our  work,  on 
condition  that  we  are  reimbursed,  our  retreat  will  be  not 
only  as  disastrous  as  that  from  Moscow, — it  will  be  as  hu- 
miliating.” 

* -X  -X-  -X-  * * 

“In  view  of  such  a situation,  France  ought  to  be  dis- 
couraged in  our  futile  efforts  to  establish  our  preponder- 
ance in  Mexico,  and  to  guarantee  our  influence,  our  in- 
dustrial, commercial,  and  political  interests  in  the  new 
continent.” 

“ France  still  holds  the  destiny  of  Mexico  under  her 
flag  ; if  the  Yankees  take  possession  of  it  to-day,  we  must 
immediately  re-demand  it.  Let  us  imitate  the  English 
and  the  Americans,  whose  policy  of  foresight  we  admire 
so  much.” 

* * * % & * 


1(3 


242 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ulterior  ends  of  “Behind  the  Mexican  expedition  there  was 
thc  ExpcdltK,n  more  than  an  Empire  to  found,  a nation  to 
save,  markets  to  create,  thousands  of  millions  to  develop : 
there  was  a world  tributary  to  France,  happy  to  submit 
to  our  sympathetic  influence,  to  receive  their  supplies  from 
us,  and  to  ascribe  to  us  their  resurrection  to  the  political 
and  social  life  of  civilized  people.” 

Such  are  the  views  which  M.  Domenech  has  done  all 
in  his  power  to  disseminate  among  the  courts,  the  cabinets, 
and  the  people  of  Europe.  It  is  well  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  as  well  as  of  Mexico,  should  understand 
the  representations  and  impressions  he  has  made. 


PART  VI. 


THE  TRANSITION  FROM  A MONARCHY  TO  A REPUBLIC. 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE — 1810. 

The  course  of  I**  order  to  a clear  understanding  of  tlie  pro- 
gress of  the  Revolution  in  Mexico,  a brief  re- 
capitulation of  the  course  of  events  since  the  War  of  In- 
dependence, 1810,  and  a chronological  arrangement  of  the 
successive  conflicts,  and  a statement  of  the  distinctive  issues 
and  results  of  each,  down  to  the  final  Constitution  of  1857, 
may  be  of  service. 

The  education  In  the  war  of  our  rebellion,  it  required  conflict 
after  conflict,  disasters  and  defeats,  to  emanci- 
pate the  heart  of  the  nation  from  the  spell  of  slavery ; to 
clear  away  the  mists  and  delusions  in  respect  to  human 
rights,  which  the  long  reign  of  the  oligarchy  had  spread 
over  the  whole  land  ; and  to  educate  the  people  up  to  the 
proclamation  of  universal  freedom,  and  of  equality  in  the 
enjoyment  of  civil  rights,  and  in  the  protection  of  the 
law.  So,  in  Mexico,  the  thraldom  of  centuries  had  so  far 
obscured  the  perceptions  of  right  and  wrong,  and  intimi- 
dated the  declaration  of  religious  freedom,  and  the  over- 
throw of  the  old,  hereditary,  spiritual  despotism,  that  it 
required  a long  process  of  discipline  and  training,  to  in- 
spire the  necessary  determination  to  break  the  yoke  for- 
ever. 


244 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  Bourbons  It  will  be  remembered  * that,  in  1808,  Bona- 

and  the  Bona-  . 7 7 

partes.  parte  invaded  Spain,  deposed  Ferdinand  VII., 
secured  the  abdication  by  the  Bourbons  of  all  right  to 
the  crown  of  Spain,  and  proclaimed  Joseph  Bonaparte 
King.  The  old  adherents  to  the  monarchy  stirred  up  the 
latent  embers  of  Spanish  loyalty,  and  organized  juntas  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  to  oppose  the  invasions  and 
usurpations  of  the  French. 

The  contest  between  the  supporters  of  the  Bourbons 
and  of  the  Bonapartes,  partook  of  all  the  elements  that 
characterized  the  great  revolution  that  was  then  shaking 
the  continent.  The  French  King,  borne  upon  the  wave  of 
reform  which  swept  from  Paris,  over  bishops,  convents, 
and  church  estates,  summoned  an  assembly  of  deputies, 
and  adopted  a Napoleonic  Constitution. 

The  Mexican  The  clergy  in  Mexico,  fearing  the  loss  or  cur- 
tailment of  their  power  and  privileges,  so  long 
held  in  undisputed  possession,  opposed  the  recognition  of 
the  French  Dynasty,  adhered  earnestly  to  the  Bourbon 
regime,  and  used  every  effort  to  perpetuate  its  sway  and 
their  own  prerogatives. 

The  three  great  The  population  of  Mexico  was  divided  sub- 
stantially into  three  classes  : 1.  The  old,  native 

Spaniards,  who  held  in  their  hands  the  vast  monopolies  of 
the  church,  and  of  the  civil  and  military  offices  of  the 
country.  2.  The  Creole  population,  a numerous  class,  re- 
garded by  the  Spaniards  as  a kind  of  halt-caste,  and  ex- 
cluded from  equal  privileges  with  their  rulers.  3.  The 
native  Indian  and  mixed  races,  constituting  three-fourths 
of  the  entire  population  of  the  country,  and  deemed  and 
treated  as  peons  and  slaves. 

* See  tbe  Chapter  on  the  Political  Relations  of  Sjiain  and  Mexico, 
p.  36. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


245 


Affinities  of  These  were  the  elements  to  be  affected  by  the 
the  Parties.  conflp,ts  0f  sovereignty  in  old  Spain  and  in  the 

Colonies.  The  interests  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  old 
Spaniards,  led  them  to  court  the  sympathy  of  the  Creoles 
and  the  Indians,  in  resisting  the  recognition  of  the  French 
crown  in  the  colony,  and  sustaining  the  old  regime  of  the 
Bourbons. 

The  Creoles  sought  their  own  advancement,  and  to 
free  themselves  from  the  domination  of  their  Spanish 
masters,  and  to  secure  equality  with  them,  in  rights  and 
privileges.  But  they  were  loyal  to  the  mother  country. 
To  secure  their  object,  they  fraternized  as  never  before  with 
the  native  population. 

The  masses  of  the  Indians  could  not  be  kept  in  entire 
ignorance  of  their  number,  of  their  importance,  and  of 
their  power,  and  in  the  agitations  and  discussions  of  the 
time,  began  to  feel  the  rising  pulsations  of  freedom.  While 
Spaniards  and  Creoles  were  forecasting  the  chances  of  pro- 
longing or  sharing  the  monopolies  of  Church  and  State  in 
Mexico,  under  a Bonaparte  or  a Bourbon,  and  were 
figuring  to  secure  office,  power,  wealth  and  luxury,  four 
millions  of  Indians  were  thinking  how  they  might  become 
independent  and  free.  Depressed  and  uninstructed  as 
they  were,  the  light  of  liberty  was  kindled  here  and  there 
— a spark,  a flickering  flame,  and  now  an  inextinguishable 
fire ! 

HIDALGO  OF  DOLORES. 

On  the  10th  of  September,  1810,  the  cry  of  Hidalgo 
of  Dolores,  a country  curate,  identified  in  sympathy  and 
interest  with  his  poor  parishioners,  and  with  the  Indian 
and  mixed  races,  and  goaded  by  public  and  private  wrongs, 
roused  a hundred  thousand  Indians  to  follow  his  banner. 


246 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  first  Mar- 
tyr of  Mexican 
Liberty 


But  the  Church  party  and  the  Spaniards  were 
too  strong  for  the  natives.  Excommunicated  by 
the  church,  hunted  by  the  army,  and  destitute  of  the  dis- 
cipline, the  weapons,  and  the  munitions  of  war,  the  struggle 
of  the  poor  Indians  for  freedom  was  unequal.  Betrayed  by 
Bustainente,  Hidalgo  was  captured  and  shot — the  first 
martyr  for  the  liberties  of  Mexico ! 

The  victims  of  oppression  did  not,  however,  give  up 
the  contest.  General  Morelos,  Lieutenant  in  command 
under  Hidalgo,  continued  the  war,  summoned  a National 
Congress  in  September,  1813,  which,  in  October  of  the 
following  year,  promulgated  the  principles  embodied  in 
the  “ Constitution  Apatzingan.” 

Union  of  the  In  1820  the  first  considerable  movement  was 
Indians.  made  to  unite  the  Creole  and  the  Indian  ele- 
ments in  common  cause  against  “ despots  and  bad  govern- 
ment.” The  combination  was  made,  and  deeds  of  heroic 
patriotism  on  one  side,  and  of  appalling  barbarity  on  the 
other,  mark  the  history.  Relentless  cruelties  and  retalia- 
tions banished  mercy  from  the  human  heart. 

Mayer,  in  his  political  history  of  Mexico,  says 
that  “ after  the  first  successes  of  the  Mexicans, 
there  was  a period  of  reaction,  when  the  Spaniards  again 
obtained  a temporary  mastery  under  General  Calleja,  and 
the  annals  of  the  time  teem  with  accounts  of  the  sangui- 


Spanish 

atrocities. 


nary  vengeance  wreaked  by  that  inhuman  monster  on  the 
victims  who  fell  within  his  grasp.  After  he  had  obtained 
possession  of  the  revolted  city  of  Guanajuato,  he  caused 
the  inhabitants  to  be  driven  into  the  great  square  of  the 
town,  and  near  fourteen  thousand  men , icomen , and  children 
were  butchered  like  cattle  on  the  spot.  Proclaiming  that 
powder  and  ball  were  too  costly  to  be  wasted  in  their  ex- 
ecution, he  let  loose  his  soldiery  on  the  defenceless  crowd, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


247 


with  an  order  ‘ to  cut  their  throats ,’ — and  it  is  related 
that  the  fountains  and  gutters  of  the  city  literally  ran 
with  human  blood.1' 

“These  were  things  to  be  remembered,  and  to  exasperate. 
There  was  no  longer  any  hope  for  the  people.  There  was 
no  disposition  to  temporize  or  to  conciliate.  It  was  sub- 
mission or  death.  And  the  “ una  salus  victis  nullam 
sperare  salutem,”  nerved  their  arms,  and  forced  them  into 
ardent  and  continued  resistance.  They  conquered.” 

“ For  such  distinguished  services,  Calleja  was  created 
Marshal,  decorated  with  the  Grand  Cross  of  the  order  of 
Charles  III.,  and  appointed  Viceroy.” 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  MONARCHICAL  PLAN  OF  IGUALA 1821. 

The  Cortes  and  On  the  24th  of  February,  1821,  this  celebrated 
the  colony.  p]an  -\vas  declared.  The  revolution  in  Spain  had 
extended  its  influence  to  Mexico.  The  Cortes  had  com- 
pelled King  Ferdinand  to  swear  fidelity  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  issued  decrees  to  Apodaca,  the  Viceroy  of  Mexi- 
co, to  proclaim  it  in  the  Colony,  and  partially  to  sequestrate 
the  property  of  the  Mexican  Church. 

The  Viceroy,  a royalist  at  heart,  and  an  enemy  of  the 
revolution,  resolved  to  oppose  its  progress.  The  Bishops, 
the  clergy,  the  native  nobility,  the  Spanish  Generals,  the 
wealthy  Spaniards,  who  had  been  alienated  by  the  acts  of 
the  Cortes,  united  to  support  Apodaca  in  a formidable  op- 
position. 


THE  EMPIRE  UNDER  ITURBIDE. 

Don  Augustine  Iturbide  had  long  been  a bitter  enemy 
of  the  patriots,  and  as  zealous  a defender  of  the  Vice-regal 


248 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Government.  He  was  reputed  to  be  clever,  bold,  and  fear- 
less, and  not  over-scrupulous  as  to  the  means  for  accom- 
plishing his  ends.  Availing  himself  of  the  knowledge  he 
possessed  of  different  parties  and  interests,  he  entered  into 
a conspiracy  with  the  Clergy,  and  such  other  leaders  as 
could  be  enlisted  in  the  scheme,  to  revolutionize  the  coun- 
try, and  achieve  the  independence  of  Mexico. 

THE  INDEPENDENCE  OF  MEXICO. 

Iturbide,  having  obtained  possession  of  about  half  a 
million  of  the  public  treasure,  and  having  secured  the 
co-operation  of  the  higher  Clergy  to  arouse  and  inflame 
the  people,  promulgated  the  following  plan. 

It  was  named  after  the  small  town,  on  the  road  to  Ac- 
apulco, from  which  it  emanated.  The  forces  who  main- 
tained it  were  called  the  “ Army  of  the  Three  Guaran- 
tees,” from  the  three  fundamental  principles  on  their  ban- 
ner— Independence,  the  Maintenance  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  and  Union. 

THE  PLAN. 

Article  1.  The  Mexican  Nation  is  independent  of 
the  Spanish  Nation,  and  of  every  other,  even  on  its  own 
continent. 

Art.  2.  Its  religion  shall  be  the  Catholic,  which  all 
its  inhabitants  profess. 

Art.  3.  They  shall  all  be  united,  without  any  distinc- 
tion between  Americans  and  Europeans. 

Art.  4.  The  government  shall  be  a constitutional 
monarchy. 

Art.  5.  A Junta  shall  be  named,  consisting  of  indi- 
viduals who  enjoy  the  highest  reputation  in  different  par- 
ties which  have  shown  themselves. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


249 


Art.  6.  This  Junta  shall  be  under  the  presidency  of 
His  Excellency,  the  Conde  del  Venadito,  the  present  Vice- 
roy of  Mexico. 

Art.  7.  It  shall  govern  in  the  name  of  the  nation, 
according  to  the  laws  now  in  force,  and  its  principal  busi- 
ness will  be  to  convoke,  according  to  such  rules  as  it  shall 
deem  expedient,  a congress  for  the  formation  of  a consti- 
tution more  suitable  to  the  country. 

Art.  8.  His  Majesty,  Ferdinand  VII.,  shall  be  invi- 
ted to  the  throne  of  the  Empire,  and  in  case  of  his  refu- 
sal, the  Infantes,  Don  Carlos  and  Don  Francisco  de 
Paula. 

Art.  9.  Should  his  Majesty  Ferdinand  VII.  and  his 
august  brothers  decline  the  invitation,  the  nation  is  at  lib- 
erty to  invite  to  the  imperial  throne  any  member  of  reign- 
ing families  whom  it  may  choose  to  select. 

Art.  10.  The  formation  of  the  constitution  by  the 
congress,  and  the  oath  of  the  emperor  to  observe  it,  must 
precede  liis  entry  into  the  country. 

Art.  11.  The  distinction  of  castes  is  abolished,  which 
was  made  by  the  Spanish  law  excluding  them  from  the 
rights  of  citizenship.  All  the  inhabitants  are  citizens  and 
equal,  and  the  door  of  advancement  is  open  to  virtue  and 
merit. 

Art.  12.  An  army  shall  be  formed  for  the  support 
of  religion,  independence,  and  union,  guaranteeing  these 
three  principles,  and  therefore  shall  be  called  “ The  Army 
of  the  Three  Guaranties.” 

Art.  13.  It  shall  solemnly  swear  to  defend  the  funda- 
mental basis  of  this  plan. 

Art.  14.  It  shall  strictly  observe  the  military  ordi- 
nances now  in  force. 

Art.  15.  There  shall  be  no  other  promotions  than 


250 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


those  which  are  due  to  seniority,  or  which  are  necessary 
for  the  good  of  the  service. 

Art.  16.  The  army  shall  be  considered  as  of  the 
line. 

Art.  17.  The  old  partisans  of  independence  who 
shall  adhere  to  this  plan,  shall  be  considered  as  individu- 
als of  this  army. 

Art.  18.  The  patriots  and  peasants  who  shall  adhere 
to  it  hereafter,  shall  be  considered  as  provincial  militia- 
men. 

Art.  19.  The  secular  and  regular  priests  shall  be  con- 
tinued in  the  state  in  which  they  now  are. 

Art.  20.  All  the  public  functionaries,  civil,  ecclesias- 
tical, political,  and  military,  who  adhere  to  the  cause  of 
independence,  shall  be  continued  in  their  offices,  without 
any  distinction  between  Americans  and  Europeans. 

Art.  21.  Those  functionaries,  of  whatever  degree  and 
condition,  who  dissent  from  the  cause  of  independence, 
shall  be  divested  of  their  offices,  and  shall  quit  the  terri- 
tory without  taking  with  them  their  families  and  effects. 

Art.  22.  The  military  commandants  shall  regulate 
themselves  according  to  the  general  instructions  in  con- 
formity with  this  plan,  which  shall  be  transmitted  to  them. 

Art.  23.  No  accused  person  shall  be  condemned  cap- 
itally by  the  military  commandants.  Those  accused  of 
treason  against  the  nation,  which  is  the  next  greatest 
crime  after  that  of  treason  to  the  Divine  Ruler,  shall  be 
conveyed  to  the  Fortress  of  Barbaras,  where  they  shall 
remain  until  congress  shall  resolve  on  the  punishment  that 
ought  to  be  inflicted  on  them. 

Art.  24.  It  being  indispensable  to  the  country  that 
this  plan  should  be  carried  into  effect,  inasmuch  as  the 
welfare  of  that  country  is  its  object,  every  individual  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


251 


the  army  shall  maintain  it,  to  the  shedding  (if  it  be  neces- 
sary) of  the  last  drop  of  his  blood. 

Town  of  Iguala,  24th  February,  1821. 

The  design  “ The  plan  of  Iguala, ’’  for  the  independence  of 

of  the  plan,  ;y[exiC05  was  inaugurated  in  the  interest  of  the 

Church  party.  Copies  of  the  Articles  of  Declaration  were 
sent  to  all  the  Ecclesiastical  Dignitaries  of  Mexico,  to  all 
the  Commandants  General  of  the  Provinces,  and  to  all 
Officers  of  the  civil  and  the  military  service. 

On  the  2d  of  March,  Iturbide , in  submitting  his  plan 
to  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  receiving  the  solemn  oath 
of  the  whole  body  to  maintain  it,  addressed  them  as  fol- 
lows : 

“ Soldiers,  you  have  this  day  sworn  to  preserve  the 
Catholic  Apostolic  Roman  Religion  ; to  protect  the  union 
of  Europeans  and  Americans  ; to  effect  the  independence 
of  this  empire,  and,  on  certain  conditions,  to  obey  the  king. 
This  act  will  be  applauded  by  foreign  nations ; your  ser- 
vices will  be  gratefully  acknowledged  by  your  fellow-citi- 
zens, and  your  names  will  be  inscribed  in  the  temple  of  im- 
mortality.” 

The  revolu-  This  great  revolution,  which  sundered  the  no- 
tion of  inde-  1 

pendence.  litical  connection  of  Mexico  with  the  mother  coun- 

try, was  not  the  work  of  a day. 

“ The  way  had  been  preparing  by  the  struggles  through 
which  the  nation  had  passed  from  the  hour,  in  1810,  when 
Hidalgo  of  Dolores  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt 
and  the  cry  of  Independence.” 

But  “ the  great  secret  of  this  revolution,  so  easily  and 
so  suddenly  achieved  at  last,  and  so  important  in  its  re- 
sults, is  to  be  referred  to  the  decree  of  the  Cortes  against 
the  property  of  the  Church.  Iturbide  was  merely  the  in- 


252 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


struinent  of  the  exasperated  ecclesiastics  of  the  viceroyal- 
ty, whose  vengence  being  aroused,  were  prepared  to  sacri- 
fice the  tranquillity  of  the  country,  to  repudiate  loyalty  to 
their  ancient  crown,  rather  than  submit  to  be  robbed  by 
the  State.11 

It  thus  appears,  by  Articles  1 and  8,  that  the  plan  of 
Iguala  contemplated  an  “ Independent  Mexican  Empire,” 
with  a Foreign  Monarch,  a Spaniard,  on  the  throne. 
Independence  Iturbide,  and  the  whole  party  with  whom 

the  universal  A * 

Cfy-  he  acted,  were  monarchists,  not  republicans. 

But  popular  sentiment  was  so  strong  in  favor  of  “ In- 
dependence,” that  the  leaders  and  parties  all  around 
fell  in  with  the  movement.  “ Independence  forever  ” 
Avas  a rallying  cry  in  which  Monarchists  and  Republicans, 
Spaniards  and  Mexicans,  “The  Church  Party”  and  re- 
formers, all  joined  in  indiscriminating  enthusiasm. 

The  whole  force  of  Iturbide,  at  first,  did  not  exceed 
eight  hundred  men.  But  the  skilful  use  of  the  u banner” 
and  the  “cry”  rallied  the  broken  fragments  of  old  revo- 
lutionary forces,  and  the  clergy,  the  military,  and  the 
people  were  soon,  for  once,  all  in  accord.  But  the  elements 
were  too  incongruous  and  conflicting  to  be  long  in  har- 
mony. 

The  scheme  1 The  Church  Party  ’’  were  content  with  “ In- 
party.  dependence”  and  a monarchy,  and  a “Bourbon” 
on  the  throne.  Their  prestige  and  power  would  be  safe. 
“The  Republicans”  sought  not  only  “Independence,” 
but  a Republican  Government.  The  partisans  of  Itur- 
bide wished  a Mexican,  not  a Spanish  Monarchy,  and 
held  the  crown  in  reserve  for  their  leader. 

The  new  At  this  juncture  a new  Viceroy  arrived,  who 

found  it  necessary  to  recognize,  in  the  name  of 
Spain,  the  “ Independence  of  Mexico.”  The  “ Army  of  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


253 


three  Guarantees  ” entered  the  Capital  in  September, 
1821,  and  inaugurated  the  era  of  Mexican  Independence. 

A provisional  junta  of  thirty-six  was  immediately 
gathered.  They  elected  a regency  of  five.  Iturbide  was 
President.  He  was  also  elected  Generalissimo,  Lord  High 
Admiral,  with  a salary  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thou- 
sand dollars. 


THE  FIRST  INDEPENDENT  MEXICAN  CONGRESS 1822. 


The  fierce 
contest. 


In  February,  1822,  the  first  Independent  Mexican 
Congress  assembled  in  the  Capital.  The  heterogeneous 
elements  now  began  to  disclose  their  irreconcilable  char- 
acter. The  Viceroy’s  recognition  of  Mexican  Indepen- 
dence had  reached  Spain,  and  was  repudiated  by  the  Cor- 
tes. The  Bourbon  scheme  was  dead,  and  the  Spanish 
and  the  “Church  Party”  were  left  to  shape  their  course, 
as  best  they  could,  between  the  aspirations  of  the  Repub- 
licans and  the  partisans  of  Iturbide. 

While  these  two  parties  were  contesting  in 
Congress  the  claims  of  republicanism  and  mon- 
archy, and  ecclesiastical,  political,  military,  and  finan- 
cial interests  were  all  mingling  in  the  revolutionary 
caldron,  the  partisans  of  Iturbide,  an  unorganized  band  of 
soldiers  and  of  the  populace,  gathered  before  the  palace 
of  Iturbide,  and  with  shouts  proclaimed  him  Emperor, 
as  Augustin  I. 

The  idea  of  an  independent  nation,  a Mexican 
monarchy,  and  a native  sovereign,  was  like  a 
clarion  call  re-echoed  everywhere.  Congress  could  but 
approve  the  extempore  coronation  of  the  people.  The 
rapid  strides  of  Iturbide,  a private,  a Colonel,  a Lord-High 
Admiral,  Emperor,  were  too  much  for  his  equanimity.  He 
claimed  an  exercise  of  arbitrary,  imperial  power,  which 


The  new 
sensation. 


254 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Congress  resisted.  “ He  demanded  a veto  upon  all  articles 
of  the  Constitution  then  under  discussion,  and  the  right 
of  appointing  and  removing  at  pleasure  the  members  of 
the  supreme  tribunal  of  justice.  He  recommended  the 
establishment  of  a military  tribunal  in  the  Capital,  with 
powers  little  inferior  to  those  exercised  by  the  Spanish 
commandants  during  the  revolution.11  Congress  rejected 
these  proposals.  The  Emperor  thereupon,  Aug.  2G,  1822, 
arrested  fourteen  of  the  recusant  deputies, 
usurpation  of  This  highhanded  measure  so  incensed  the  rep- 
thB  Emperor'  resentatives  of  the  people,  that  any  further  co- 
operation between  congress  and  the  sovereign  was  impos- 
sible. 

The  Emperor  therefore  dissolved  “his  parliament,11 
and  sent  them  home.  He  created  a new  constituent  junta 
of  forty-five  persons,  selected  by  himself,  who  were  of  easy 
purpose  to  execute  his  will. 

The  people,  who  had  expected  a constitutional  monar- 
chy, did  not  accept  these  usurpations,  so  like  Old  Euro- 
pean despotism,  and  universal  dissatisfaction  spread 
almost  as  rapidly  as  the  enthusiasm  at  the  erection  of  the 
throne. 

The  northern  provinces  declared  against  the 

The  Revolt.  _ \ „ ,,  ° „ 

usurper,  Santa  Anna,  Governor  ot  V era  Cruz, 
joined  the  dissidents.  Iturbide  sent  General  Echavarri 
to  crush  the  opposition  and  the  Governor  at  Vera  Cruz. 
Echavarri  joined  the  revolt.  Gaudalupe  Victoria,  the 
patriot  hero,  whom  Iturbide  could  neither  seduce  nor  sub- 
due, had  fled  to  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains  during 
the  imperial  regime.  He  came  down  like  a lion  from  his 
lair,  and  joined  Santa  Anna. 

In  February,  1823,  a convention  was  signed, 
called  “ The  Act  of  Casa  Mata,11  which  pledged 


A Convention. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


255 


The  Patriots 
in  Council. 


Aid  of  the 
British  flag. 


the  re-establishment  of  the  National  Representative  As- 
sembly, which  the  Emperor  had  dispersed. 

“ The  Marques,  Vibanco,  Guerrero,  Bravo,  and 
Negrete,  in  various  sections  of  the  nation,  joined 
the  popular  movement  which  was  sweeping  the  country. 
Iturbide  found  his  error  too  late.  In  March,  1823,  he 
offered  his  abdication  to  the  old  Congress.  Its  re-collect- 
ed members,  however,  refused  any  recognition  of  his  right 
to  a crown,  even  so  much  as  by  the  acceptance  of  his  ab- 
dication. Nevertheless,  with  a magnanimity  which 
would  not  ignore  his  services  in  securing  the  independence 
of  his  country,  they  allowed  his  departure  from  Mexico, 
endowed  him  with  an  income  of  twenty-four  thousand  dol- 
lars a year,  and  placed  at  his  disposal  a vessel  to  bear 
himself  and  family  to  Leghorn  in  Italy. 

In  July,  1824,  a vessel  under  British  colors 
reached  the  Mexican  coast,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Santander.  The  next  day  a gentleman  appeared, 
announcing  himself  as  a Polish  visitor,  who,  with  a friend, 
had  come  to  purchase  land  in  that  district,  with  a view  to 
establishing  a colony. 

General  Garza,  in  command,  gave  free  permission  to 
enter  the  country.  Suspicion  was  excited  in  regard  to 
the  two  strangers ; and  on  the  removal  of  disguise,  the 
Emperor  Iturbide  appeared  before  the  general,  as  the 
Polanders  friend.  The  Ex-Emperor  was  secured  as  a 
prisoner,  and  delivered  to  the  authorities  of  Tamaulipas. 
The  State  Legislature,  then  in  session,  promptly  resolved 
to  execute  a decree  of  Congress  of  the  preceding  April, 
and  condemned  the  royal  exile  to  death.  He  was  shot. 

The  end  of  Thus  ended  the  usurpations  and  the  reign  of 

Iturbide.  Sad  was  his  fate.  But  whatever 
sympathy  was  felt  for  him  was  much  abated  by  a record, 


■256 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


in  his  own  handwriting,  that  on  Good  Friday,  1814,  “in 
honor  of  the  day,  he  had  just  ordered  three  hundred  ex- 
communicated wretches  to  be  shot ! 11 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CONGRESS  AND  THE  CONSTITUTION  OK  1824. 

The  restoration  After  the  fall  of  Iturbide,  Generals  Victoria, 
■a  congress.  grav0j  an(j  Negrete  entered  the  Capital  the  same 

month.  The  old  Congress  was  quickly  re-assembled. 

They  appointed  the  three  victorious  generals  a provisional 

triumvirate,  to  exercise  supreme  executive  powers  until 

the  assembling  of  the  new  Congress  in  the  following  August. 

© © © © 

This  Congress,  in  October,  1824,  adopted  the  Federal 
Constitution,*  which,  surviving  all  the  revolutions  and  re- 
forms of  twenty-three  years,  was  in  substance  re-adopted 
in  1857. 

The  tie  sun-  The  war  of  Independence  only  sundered  the 
connection  between  Mexico  and  Spain.  The  her- 
culean work  of  the  colonists  was,  to  construct  a system 
of  government  for  themselves,  and  out  of  the  chaos  of 
Spanish  oppression  and  misrule,  to  bring  forth  order,  sys- 
tem, and  law. 

THE  FIRST  REALLY  NATIONAL  CONSTITUTION 1824. 

On  the  4th  of  October,  1824,  a National  Representa- 
tive body,  assembled  for  the  purpose,  formed  and  proclaim- 

* The  Appendix  contains  the  draft  of  this  Constitution,  as  submit- 
ted to  the  Congress  ; and  it  exhibits  the  manner  and  spirit  of  the 
transaction  of  the  business,  and  the  purposes  and  aims  of  the  nation. 
This  project  with  some  amendments  Avas  adopted,  and  formed  the 
basis  of  the  Constitution  of  1857.  P. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


257 


ed  a Constitution,  by  which  the  sixteen  original  States  were 
united  in  a Federal  Republic. 

The  first  On  the  1st  of  January,  1825,  the  first  Con- 
gress under  this  Constitution  assembled  in  the 
City  of  Mexico,  and  General  Victoria  was  installed  as 
President  of  the  Republic.  The  Constitution  by  General 
Morelos,  in  1814,  was  adopted  only  by  the  section  of  coun- 
try under  his  control.  This  of  1824,  was  the  first  well- 
matured  and  symmetrical  constitution  of  Mexico.  It  was 
accepted  by  the  whole  country,  and  formed  the  basis  of 
that  perfected  democratic  Republican  Constitution  of  1857, 
which  has  become  the  great  organic  law  of  the  land. 

This  Constitution  of  1824  was  far  from  meeting  the 
exigencies  of  the  case,  or  the  indispensable  requisites  of 
Republican  Institutions.  The  people  were  not  yet  edu- 
cated in  the  true  ideas  of  freedom,  and  the  clerical  party 
wielded  a power  that  compassed  their  private  ends. 

Article  50  provided  for  a concordat  with  the  Holy 
See,  which  was  to  throw  the  whole  of  the  Mexican  church 
management  into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  The 
clergy  contrived  to  exempt  themselves  entirely  from  anv 
chance  of  Government  control  over  their  property  and 
monopolies.  All  the  bishoprics,  deaneries,  and  chapters 
could  be  filled  by  old  Spaniards  only.  The  Creoles  and 
mixed  races  were  eligible  only  to  the  lower  orders  of 
church  offices.  Church  privilege  and  caste  disabilities 
still  wrought  together,  to  perpetuate  the  despotism  and 
the  curse  of  Mexico. 

Essential  ele-  The  limits  of  this  work  forbid  a minute  detail 

inents  of  the 

history.  0f  all  the  revolutions  and  counter-revolutions 
which  have  marked  the  struggles  of  the  Republicans.  Nor 
is  it  necessary,  to  understand  the  conflict.  The  elements 
of  the  two  great  national  parties,  though  in  the  main  dis- 
17 


258 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


tinct  and  irreconcilable,  were  often  somewhat  mixed  and 
confused  in  their  action.  The  line  of  demarcation  fluctua- 
ted at  times,  from  side  to  side,  attaching  now  to  one  party, 
and  now  to  the  other,  individuals  and  interests  of  varying 
and  vacillating  influence.  Nevertheless,  the  great  funda- 
mental, distinguishing  principles  of  the  two  parties  are 
clearly  traceable  from  their  origin,  down  through  all  the 
successive  steps  and  stages  of  development,  to  the  final 
result. 

rower  of  the  It  is  not  surprising  that  that  Priestly  organi- 
zation wielding  the  ecclesiastical,  political,  civil, 
military,  and  monetary  powers  of  the  whole  country,  and 
backed  by  all  the  influence  that  could  be  brought  to  bear 
to  sustain  it  from  the  old  world,  should  be  able  to  sow 
dissensions,  foment  counter-revolutions,  suborn  the  feeble, 
dependent,  ambitious,  and  in  a thousand  ways  embarrass 
and  thwart  the  plans  and  aims  of  the  Republicans,  feeble 
in  everything  but  their  principles  and  the  justice  of  their 
cause. 

The  number  of  presidents,  dictators,  pronun cidmentos, 
revolutions,  reactionary  movements,  and  Bull-run  defeats 
in  Mexico,  so  far  from  alienating  our  sympathies  and  con- 
tidence  from  the  Mexican  patriots,  should  only  make  us 
the  more  appreciate  the  difficulties  of  their  terrible  strug- 
gles, and  honor  their  indomitable  perseverance  and  patri- 
otism. 

We  pass  to  another  suggestive  act  in  the  drama. 


MEXICO  AND  'THE  UNITED  STATES. 


259 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CONSPIRACY — THE  CHURCH  PARTY  WITH  PAREDES,  TO  OVER- 
THROW THE  REPUBLIC,  ERECT  A MONARCHY,  AND  INVITE  A FOR- 
EIGN PRINCE  TO  THE  THRONE  — 1845. 

“The  church  In  December,  1845,  General  Paredes,  who 

Party ’’and  . . , l . , ..  , 

Paredes.  had  been  placed  m command  ot  the  army  at 
San  Luis  Potosi,  by  the  Republican  President  Herrera, 
pronounced  against  him.  The  Archbishop,  several  of  the 
Bishops  of  the  highest  rank,  military  officers,  and  the 
monarchical  interest  generally,  combined  for  the  avowed 
purpose  of  crushing  forever  the  republican  system.  The 
Archbishop  openly  avowed  his  determination  to  support 
a revolution,  and  declared  that  a monarchical  Government 
w'as  more  in  accordance  with  church  principles,  and  better 
adapted  to  Mexico.  Aided  by  the  clergy  and  the  army, 
Paredes  succeeded.  This  new  party,  more  formidable  for 
its  material  than  for  its  numbers,  boldly  pushed  the  scheme. 
Paredes,  thus  sustained,  assumed  the  power  of  a hereditary 
Sovereign,  completely  subverted  the  constitution  of  1824, 
substituted  a new  and  totally  different  form  of  Govern- 
ment in  its  place,  and  by  a decree,  known  as  the  “ Law  of 
Convocation,1'  disfranchised  the  great  body  of  the  people, 
and  deprived  them  of  the  right  of  sending  deputies  to  the 
National  Legislature. 

“The church”  Great  dissatisfaction  and  indignation  spread 

against  the  V 1 

peopie.  throughout  the  country,  at  this  violation  of  pop- 
ular rights*  The  only  protection  of  the  masses  against  an 
irresponsible  executive  was  taken  away.  Their  future  was 
to  be,  despotic  rule,  “ absolute,  and  unlimited  by  pre- 
cedent, law,  or  the  will  of  the  people.” 

A Bourbon  to  The  Chamber  of  Deputies,  under  the  new  or. 

he  called  to  , x ' 

the  Throne,  gamzation,  was  composed  of  individuals  of  the 


260 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ecclesiastical,  military,  and  commercial  classes,  together 
Avitli  opulent  miners  and  land-owners.  The  journals  under 
the  patronage  of  the  Government,  openly  advocated  the 
placing  of  a Prince  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  on  the  throne 
of  Mexico. 

The  Republican  The  republican  portion  of  the  press  were  very 
bitter  against  Paredes  from  the  beginning.  They 
denounced  his  aristocratic  principles,  and  accused  him  of 
selling  himself  to  the  natural  enemies  of  Mexico,  of  con- 
spiring with  the  clergy  to  destroy  the  independence  and 
freedom  of  the  nation,  and  to  bring  back  the  odious  sys- 
tem of  monarchy  which  had  perished  with  the  ill-fated 
Iturbide.  * 

Arbitrary  act  Paredes,  in  the  exercise  of  his  despotic  power, 
of  i aredes.  .irrestec]  these  patriotic  editors  and  publishers, 

and  either  banished  the  victims  of  his  tyranny  from  their 
homes,  or  confined  them  in  the  common  receptacles  of  vice 
and  crime,  herded  with  robbers,  thieves,  and  assassins. 
Embarrass-  The  new  administration  had  no  advantage 

ment  of  tbe  . . 

Revolutionists,  over  its  predecessor,  m means  to  carry  on  the 
Government.  War  with  the  United  States,  improvident 
expenditure,  internal  dissensions,  and  unskilful  manage- 
ment had  completely  exhausted  the  treasury.  Santa  Anna 
had  tested  the  power  of  the  people  to  bear  the  burden  of 
taxation  to  the  last  feather.  Payment  was  suspended. 
Credit  was  gone.  The  salaries  of  all  the  officers  in  the  public 
service  had  been  reduced  one-fourth  ; and  disbursements, 
under  the  plea  of  necessity,  had  actually  been  made  of 
revenues  pledged  to  public  creditors. 

The  cicrgy  Under  these  circumstances,  Paredes  determin- 

refuse  pecu-  . . , 

niary  support.  ed,  as  his  only  resource,  to  call  upon  the  vener- 
able clergy 11  to  share  of  their  wealth,  in  the  pecuniary 

* Young’s  Mexico,  ch.  4. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


261 


burdens  of  the  State.  They  had  zealously  engaged  in 
cathedral,  church,  and  village  chapel,  in  offering  up  prayers' 
for  the  success  of  the  Government,  in  the  cabinet  and  in 
the  field. 

The  Minister  The  Minister  of  Finance  accordingly  made 

of  Finance  and  . . , . . . , tt 

the  Archbishop,  official  application  to  the  Archbishop.  Having 
specified  the  necessities  of  the  State,  the  exigencies  of  the 
war,  the  importance  of  a faithful  compliance  with  the 
engagements  contracted  by  the  nation  with  its  creditors, 
and  the  calamities  of  impending  bankruptcy,  he  added, 
that  “ the  Clergy  alone  had  been  exempted  from  the  oner- 
ous burdens , which  had  been  imposed , of  late , upon  the  rest 
of  the  people  ; and  ivhile  the  Executive  deprecated  the  neces- 
sity that  obliged  him  to  call  upon  the  Church , he  would  be 
neglecting  his  duty , should  he  fail  in  straining  every  nerve 
to  relieve  the  Government  from  the  financial  pressure  under 
ivhich  it  was  about  to  be  crushed 

TheArchbish-  The  Archbishop  had  been  a chief  promoter 
licanism.  and  warm  supporter  of  the  revolution  that  had 
placed  Paredes  in  power.  He  hoped  by  this  means  to 
overthrow  utterly  the  republican  system,  to  exterminate 
republican  principles,  and  to  erect  a monarchy  for  a For- 
eign Prince.  Yet  the  Archbishop  replied  to  the  Minister 
of  Finance,  “that  he  would  convoke  a meeting  of  his 
chapter,  and  submit  the  requisition  of  the  Supreme  Gov- 
ernment ; that  he  was  willing  to  aid  to  the  extent  of  his 
power  in  raising  supplies,  in  order  to  carry  on  4 a war,  in 
which  the  two  precious  boons  so  dear  to  Mexicans  were 
at  stake, — independence  and  religion!111 
Xumbers  and  The  Mexican  Ecclesiastical  establishment,  it 

strength  of  the 

oiergy.  will  be  remembered,  according  to  the  Report  of 
the  Minister  of  J ustice  and  Ecclesiastical  affairs,  consisted 
of  one  Archiepiscopal  See,  nine  Bishoprics,  eight  Catlie- 


262 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


dral  Chapters,  divided  into  one  hundred  and  eighty-five 
prebendaries  and  canonries,  and  sub-divided  into  twelve 
hundred  parishes.  The  number  of  clergy  was  about  five 
thousand  six  hundred,  two  thirds  of  whom  were  secular 
priests. 

The  regulars,  who  wear  the  habit  of  their  particular 
order,  at  least  two  thousand  in  number,  possessed  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  convents  and  monasteries.  The  streets  of 
every  large  city  abounded  with  the  “ Fathers  ” of  the  Dom- 
inican, Franciscan,  Augustine,  Carmelite,  and  Mercedarian 
orders. 


Wealth  of  the 
Hierarchy. 


Revenues. 


The  Mexican  Hierarchy  was  reputed  to  be  the 
most  opulent  and  splendid  in  the  world.  The 
Pope  had  granted  to  the  Kings  of  Spain  the  revenues  of 
the  Colonies  derived  from  the  tithes  usually  levied  by  the 
Romish  Church.  The  King  appointed  the  Dignitaries, 
who  became  virtually  the  mere  agents  of  the  monarch, 
depending  more  upon  his  will  than  upon  the  Pope  him- 
self. But  the  principles  and  policy  of  the  King  and  the 
Prelate  were  in  perfect  accord. 

The  united  revenues  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Mexico,  the  Bishops  of  Puebla,  Oajaca,  Valla- 
dolid, Yucatan,  Guadalajara,  Durango,  Monterey,  and 
Sonora,  amounted  to  £145,000  sterling,  of  which  the 
Archbishop  received  £27,000.  The  whole  number  of 
Priests,  monks,  and  friars  was  about  ten  thousand. 

In  the  City  of  Mexico  alone,  there  were  more 
than  fifty  convents,  containing  three  thousand 
three  hundred  individuals.  The  clergy  were  generally 
native  Spaniards,  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  king,  the 
Church,  and  the  Inquisition,  passing  their  lives  in  criminal 
indulgence,  or  luxurious  repose.*  The  present  wealth  of 
* Robertson’s  Hist.  America. 


Convents. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


263 


the  clergy  in  lands,  houses,  plate,  jewels,  and  money,  had 
been  estimated  at  $300,000,000,  yielding  an  annual  rev- 
enue of  $25,000,000.  They  also  held  mortgages  on  a 
vast  amount  of  real  estate,  in  all  the  provinces. 

Decision  of  the  The  Archbishop  submitted  the  application  of 

the  Minister  of  Finance  to  his  Chapter,  in  convo- 
cation, and  urged  upon  them  the  necessity  of  keeping 
upon  good  terms  with  the  supreme  Government  at  that 
crisis.  But  the  Chapter  decided  that  they  had  “ no  right 
to  dispose  of  the  property  that  had  been  given  to  the 
Church  for  sacred  uses ; that  it  was  in  opposition  to  the 
declarations  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  to  surrender  ecclesi- 
astical revenues  for  secular  purposes,  and  that  they  could 
not  comply  with  the  requisition  of  the  State.” 

In  this  condition  of  things,  the  Archbishop  died.  The 
power  of  the  Government  was  nearly  paralyzed  by  the 
total  want  of  popular  sympathy  with  its  principles  and 
aims.  Dissatisfaction  was  almost  universal.  The  nation 
was  ready  to  repudiate  the  usurpation  of  Paredes  and  the 
Church  party,  and  to  restore  the  Institutions  of  the  Re- 
public. 

DEFEAT  OF  THE  MONARCHICAL  SCHEME  OF  1846. 

Defeat  of  the  The  career  of  Paredes,  in  opposition  to  the 

Monarchists.  i-iii  it  . . i 

liberal  and  republican  party,  continued  less  than 
a year.  Public  discontent  with  the  principles  and  course 
of  the  administration  appeared  on  every  hand.  Several 
of  the  Departments  protested  against  the  “ Law  of  Convo- 
cation,” and  called  on  the  President  to  repeal  it,  and  re- 
store the  masses  to  their  rights.  At  the  April  election  for 
Deputies,  at  Vera  Cruz,  the  merchants  refused  to  send  a 
representative.  The  Assembly  of  the  Department  petitioned 
Congress  to  abrogate  the  “ Law  of  Convocation.”  Paredes 


264 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


replied  by  imposing  a fine  on  five  of  the  principal  mer- 
chants, and  ordered  the  Governor  to  arrest  and  imprison 
the  members  of  the  petitioning  council, 
popular  cry  for  In  May,  a ha ttali on  of  Government  troops  at 
a Ko public.  Guadalajara,  in  the  State  of  Jalisco,  joined  with 

the  populace,  and  fired  upon  the  Governors  Palace,  amid 
shouts  of  “ Long  live  the  Republic ! 11  The  emeute  spread 
like  contagion.  The  whole  body  of  the  Government 
troops  quailed  before  the  clamors  of  the  people.  The  con- 
test ended  with  a regular  pronunciamento  against  the 
whole  Paredes  Government  and  scheme,  and  a plan  for 
the  regeneration  of  the  Republic. 

Protest  against  The  preamble  protested  against  the  design  of 

a Foreign  Alon-  . A . . 0 

archy.  erecting  Mexico  into  a monarchy,  and  placing  a 
foreign  prince  upon  the  throne.  It  denounced  the  “ Law 
of  Convocation,”  and  the  Congress  under  it,  about  to  as- 
semble, as  aristocratic,  opposed  to  the  national  feelings, 
and  excluding  the  great  mass  of  the  people  from  their 
rights  of  representation. 

a new  con-  Tlic  plan  then  declared  that  a new  Congress 
should  be  convened,  to  be  composed  of  Depu- 
ties elected  according  to  the  electoral  laws  of  1824,  * * 

and  which  Congress  should  adopt  a constitution  in  accord- 
ance with  the  national  will,  which  unmistakably  indicated 
that  the  monarchical  principle  should  be  excluded* 

One  article  declared  confidence  in  Santa  Anna,  as  the 
founder  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  and  that  whatever  may 
have  been  his  errors,  he  had  ever  been  its  powerful  cham- 
pion, in  spite  of  European  Nations  and  the  instigations  of 
perverse  Mexicans ; and  that  he  was  the  choice  of  the 
loyal  troops  at  Guadalajara,  as  chief  of  the  patriotic 
movement. 


* Young’s  Mexico,  p.  375. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


265 


A Provisional  Government  was  then  organized,  the 
officers  of  which  were  sworn  to  maintain  the  republican 
principles. 

In  June,  at  the  opening  in  the  capital,  of  the  extraor- 
dinarv  session  of  the  Congress,  General  Paredes  announced, 
with  “ profound  grief,”  that  the  public  order  and  tranquil- 
litv  “ were  disturbed  in  the  southern  part  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Mexico,  in  part  of  the  Departments  of  Puebla 
and  Oajaca,  in  the  Departments  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora, 
and  recently  in  that  of  Jalisco.”  The  truth  was,  the 
great  mass  of  the  people  were  arrayed  against  the  Gov- 
ernment in  deadly  hostility. 

General  Alvarez,  a noble  Patriot,  at  the  head  of 
the  Republican  forces  in  this  movement,  was  sustained 
by  almost  the  entire  population  in  the  western  and  south- 
ern portions  of  the  Republic.  A small  part  only  of  the 
population  adhered  to  the  Government.  Paredes , hav- 
ing identified  himself  with  the  monarchists  and  failed,  Santa 
Anna  sided  with  the  Republicans.  The  city  of  Vera 
Cruz,  looking  for  an  able  and  experienced  leader,  declared 
in  favor  of  Santa  Anna,  and  publicly  invited  the  exile  to 
return  to  his  native  land  and  join  in  the  struggles  of  repub- 
licanism against  monarchy. 

The  Republic  On  the  4th  of  August,  1846,  Generals  Mora- 
the  capital.  ]es  and  Salas,  in  conjunction  with  Seiior  Valen- 
tin Gomez  Farias,  raised  the  tri-color  banner  in  the  Cap- 
ital, and  issued  a pronunciamento  in  favor  of  the  Republi- 
can Federal  system.  The  people  and  most  of  the  troops 
flocked  to  the  standard.  Paredes  fled  the  city.  General 
Bravo,  honored  and  respected  for  his  character  and  ser- 
vices, remained  in  the  capital.  It  was  a great  popular 
uprising — a restoration,  rather  than  a revolution.  From 
the  citadel  of  Mexico  the  decree  went  forth  that  “the 


266 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Laws  of  a recreant  Congress  were  null,”  and  that  body 
and  the  various  State  Assemblies  in  collusion  with  it,  were 
disssolved.  All  exiled  Mexicans,  and  especially  “ Santa 
Anna,”  “ the  well-deserving  of  his  country,”  were  invited 
to  return ; and  he  was  solicited  to  take  command  of  the 
armies  of  the  Republic.  The  States  were  to  be  re-organ- 
ized, by  new  elections  according  to  law,  as  sovereign  and 
independent.  A new  Congress  was  summoned  to  meet  in 
four  months,  the  members  to  be  elected  according  to  the 
law  of  1824  ; and  that  any  one  who  should  attempt  to 
retard  the  election  of  representatives,  or  to  dissolve  the 
legislative  body,  or  suspend  its  sessions,  should  be  ac- 
counted a traitor  to  his  country.  The  plan  for  the  regen- 
eration of  the  Republic  declared,  “ that  the  monarchical 
principle  should  be  excluded  from  the  future  form  of  gov- 
ernment, and  that  the  honor,  rights,  and  independence  of 
the  people  should  be  maintained.” 

This  was  the  voice  of  the  people — that  voice  that  falls, 

“ As  snow-flakes  fall  upon  the  sod, 

But  executes  the  freeman’s  will, 

As  lightning  does  the  will  of  God.” 

The  whole  monarchical  scheme  was  repudiated,  and  a 
failure  ; its  President  a fugitive  ; its  Congress  dispersed  ; 
the  Capital  in  new  and  loyal  hands ; and  the  people 
throughout  the  country  rising  in  their  majesty  to  recon- 
struct a Republican  Government. 

preamble  of  the  The  grounds  of  this  revolt  against  the  usurpa- 
i 'reclamation.  ^Qng  ppe  monarchists,  and  the  objects  the 

republicans  had  in  view,  are  set  forth  in  the  following  ex- 
tracts from  the  preamble  and  articles  of  their  Proclama- 
tion : 

“ The  generals,  chiefs,  and  officers  having  met,  and 
being  penetrated  with  the  urgent  necessity  which  exists 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


267 


for  relieving  the  Republic  forthwith  from  its  grievous  peril, 
and  considering, 

I.  That  from  the  moment  when  the  Constitution 
ceased  to  exist,  which  the  Republic  freely  and  spontane- 
ously gave  to  itself,  those  which  were  afterwards  framed, 
have  not  been  adapted  to  the  exigencies  and  desires  of  a 
great  majority  of  the  nation. 

II.  That  hence  have  proceeded  the  incessant  changes, 
which  have  afflicted  the  country  to  such  an  extreme,  that 
when  she  was  torn  to  pieces,  and  after  her  external  ills 
had  been  studiously  aggravated,  some  spurious  Mexicans 
have  deemed  themselves  warranted,  in  wishing  to  subject 
the  nation  to  the  most  shameful  vassalage,  by  attempting 
to  invite  a Foreign  Prince  to  govern  the  country,  with  the 
title  of  a monarch. 

III.  That  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  so  horrible  a 
treason  to  independence,  they  have  been  so  bold  as  to  dis- 
avow the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  by  naming  a Congress 
in  which  with  special  care,  were  combined  the  most  extra- 
ordinary elements,  yet  those  most  suited  to  complete  the 
ignominy  of  the  nation. 

IV.  That  all  the  laws  which  the  present  Congress  may 
pass,  and  all  the  acts  of  the  government  being  null,  be- 
cause neither  the  Congress  nor  the  government  are  legiti- 
mate,  consequently  a just  motive  exists  for  the  nation  to 
continue  to  demand  the  exercise  of  its  incontestible  rights, 
usurped  by  the  present  administration. 

V.  That  the  administration  referred  to,  beino-  com- 
posed  of  men  devoted,  some  to  monarchy,  others  to  detes-i 
tible  centralism,  and  all  unfriendly  to  the  army,  whose 
dissolution  they  meditated  some  time  since,  because  they 
encountered  in  it,  an  impediment  to  the  accomplishment 
of  their  perverse  views. 


268 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


VI.  That  if  these  should  unfortunately  be  carried  into 
effect,  the  benefits  of  independence  would  be  illusory, 
to  which  we  sacrifice  our  blood  and  our  fortune,  for  the 
purpose  of  enjoying  the  right  to  govern  ourselves  con- 
formably to  our  desires  and  interests. 

VII.  That  by  establishing  a Constitution  in  accordance 
with  the  will  of  the  great  majority  of  the  nation,  we  shall 
at  length  possess  a stable  code  of  laws,  beneath  whose 
beneficent  shade,  our  great  elements  of  power  and  wealth 
shall  be  developed,  and  our  internal  tumults  forever  cease : 
The  Procia-  Wc  have  come  to  proclaim,  and  do  proclaim 

the  following  plan  for  the  true  regeneration  of 
the  Republic : 

I.  In  place  of  the  present  Congress,  another  shall 
meet,  composed  of  representatives  chosen  by  the  people 
according  to  the  electoral  laws  which  served  for  the  choice 
of  that  of  1821,  which  shall  charge  itself  with  constituting 
the  nation,  by  adopting  the  form  of  government  which 
may  appear  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  national  will ; 
and  which  shall  charge  itself  also,  with  all  that  relates  to 
the  war  with  the  United  States,  and  the  question  of  Texas 
and  other  frontier  departments.  The  monarchical  form 
of  government,  which  the  nation  evidently  detests,  is  ex- 
cluded. 

II.  All  Mexicans  faithful  to  their  country,  including 
those  who  may  be  absent  therefrom,  are  called  upon  to 
render  their  services  in  the  present  national  movement ; for 
which  purpose  we  specially  invite  his  Excellency,  General 
Don  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  “ the  well-deserving 11 
of  his  country,  acknowledging  him  from  this  moment,  as 
General-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  pledged  and  determined 
to  fight,  in  order  that  the  nation  may  recover  its  rights, 
secure  its  liberty,  and  govern  itself.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


269 


The  spirit  and  aims  of  the  people  are  further  exhibited 
in  the  manifesto  of  General  Salas,  General-in-chief  of  the 
Republican  Liberating  army.  He  says, 

Manifesto  of  Fellow- citizens : Placed  at  the  head  of  the 

the  Republican  . 

Army-  movement  which  was  happily  e fleeted  on  the 
morning  of  this  day,  I consider  myself  under  the  strict 
obligation  to  present  to  you  an  account  of  my  conduct,  of 
the  motives  which  determined  me  to  act. 

Ever  since  the  destruction  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
in  1835,  abandoning  the  path  of  law,  we  have  recklessly 
rushed  along  the  tortuous  track  of  arbitrary  proceedings. 
Advancing  as  chance  directed,  without  any  beacon  to 
guide  us,  our  unfortunate  country  has  reached  the  brink 
of  a fearful  abyss. 

System  has  followed  system  ; constitution  has  replaced 
constitution  ; and  one  set  of  persons  has  succeeded  another 
in  power.  But  neither  have  the  sj'stems  been  based  on 
solid  foundations,  nor  have  the  constitutions  been  invest- 
ed with  the  seal  of  legitimacy,  nor  have  the  individuals 
charged  with  power,  escaped  the  fatal  contagion  of  party 
spirit.  Thus  factions  have  always  ruled,  but  the  people 
never.  Men,  not  principles,  have  triumphed. 

This  is  no  occasion  for  bringing  to  view  one  by  one,  all 
the  acts  which  have  brought  us  to  the  present  state  ; nor 
to  throw  the  blame  on  one  party,  or  to  defend  another. 
Every  party  has  contributed  its  share  to  the  work  of  the 
public  ruin.  Both  the  victors  and  the  vanquished  have 
alike  been  victims,  because  in  each  case  a faction,  not  a 
principle,  has  triumphed. 

The  last  change,  however,  beyond  measure  bolder  and 
more  imprudent  than  those  which  preceded  it,  was  not 
limited  like  these  to  the  mere  change  of  the  person  in 
power,  and  to  the  expansion  or  contraction  of  social  prin- 


270 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ciples.  Those  who  effected  it,  raising  their  views  to  higher 
objects,  aimed  at  the  entire  destruction  of  the  organization 
of  society.  Utterly  regardless  of  the  • character,  the  cus- 
toms, and  even  the  views  of  the  nation,  they  sought,  with- 
out respect  to  the  length  of  time  which  has  elapsed  since 
our  independence  was  achieved,  to  reestablish  anew,  in 
Mexico,  a form  of  government  for  which  we  have  not 
among  us  any  of  the  bases,  on  which  it  rests  in  Europe. 

The  faction  which  entertained  this  design  unfortunately 
found  the  most  complete  support  in  the  Government  of 
January,  under  whose  protection  it  displayed  its  banner, 
and  without  any  reserve  began  to  unfold  and  sustain 
monarchical  principles,  blasting  with  vile  calumnies  our 
public  men,  bringing  our  affairs  into  contempt  by  means 
of  misrepresentation  or  ridicule,  and  drawing  from  the 
past,  as  thus  exhibited,  the  conclusion  that  the  evils  of  the 
country  arise  from  the  Republican  system,  and  that  the 
only  remedy  for  them  consists  in  the  measure  which  they 
dared  to  propose, — the  erection  of  a throne  for  a foreigner. 
As  an  effective  means  of  attaining  this  end,  it  dictated  the 
summons  for  a Congress  which  should  represent  what  is 
called  the  aristocracy,  and  from  whose  bosom  the  'people 
were  rejected  with  disdain  and  insult,  as  born,  in  the 
opinion  of  this  faction,  only  to  obey. 

In  vain  did  the  Cabinet,  attempt,  by  its  measures  on 
the  3d  of  August,  to  oppose  a dyke  to  the  torrent  of  pub- 
lic opinion,  which  was  already  overflowing  its  banks,  to 
overwhelm  this  olio-archical  administration. 

O 

Mexico,  August  Gtb,  1846. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  Citadel  passed  the  sen- 
tence of  death  upon  this  system,  and  two  days  sufficed  to 
overthrow  it. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


271 


CHAPTER  Y. 

THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  CONGRESS,  AND  THE  RE-ES- 
TABLISHMENT OF  THE  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION 1846. 

The  congress  On  the  6 th  of  December,  1846,  in  conformity 
of  Dec.  laic.  ^ proc]ama^on  0f  (-}ie  provisional  Govern- 

ment, and  in  pursuance  of  the  electoral  law  of  1824,  the 
new  Sovereign  Constituent  Congress  of  the  Nation  assem- 
bled  in  the  Capital.  The  whole  country  substantially  had 
given  in  its  adhesion  to  the  new  Government.  Santa 
Anna  had  returned  from  exile.  In  liis  reply  to  the  Min- 
ister of  War,  September  14,  1846, 'he  acknowledged  the 
“ decree  of  the  Supreme  Government,  embracing  a pro- 
gramme for  the  due  celebration  of  the  re-establishment  of 
the  Constitution  of  1824,”  the  assumption  by  “ himself 11  of 
the  Supreme  Executive  Power,  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
“glorious  cry  of  Dolores.” 

He  added,  “My  satisfaction  is  extreme  to  ob- 
serve the  enthusiasm  with  which  preparations 
are  made  to  celebrate  the  two  great  blessings  which  have 
fallen  upon  this  nation, — her  independence  and  her  liber- 
ty,— and  I am  penetrated  with  the  deepest  gratitude  to  find 
that  my  arrival  at  the  Capital  will  be  made  to  contribute 
to  the  solemnities  of  so  great  an  occasion.  I shall  make 
my  entree  into  that  city  to-morrow  at  mid-day,  and  desire, 
in  contributing  my  share  to  the  National  Jubilee,  to  ob- 
serve such  a course  as  may  best  accord  with  my  duties  to 
my  country, — beloved  of  my  heart, — and  with  the  due 
respect  to  the  sovereign  will  of  the  people. 

“ I have  been  called  by  the  voice  of  my  fellow-citizens 
to  exercise  the  office  of  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Army 
of  the  Republic.”  “ I now  see  a terrible  contest  with  a per- 
fidious and  daring  enemy,  in  which  the  Mexican  Republic 


Professions  of 
Santa  Anna. 


272 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


must  re-conquer  the  insignia  of  her  glory,  and  a fortunate 
issue,  if  victorious  ; or  disappear  from  the  face  of  the  earth, 
if  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  defeated.” 

“ I also  see  a treacherous  faction  raising  its  head  from 
her  bosom,  which  is  calling  up  a form  of  Government  detest- 
ed by  the  united  nation,  proposing  as  preferable  submission 
to  a foreign  dominion.  And  I behold  at  last,  that  after 
much  vacillation,  that  nation  has  resolved  to  establish  her 
right  to  act  for  herself,  and  to  arrange  such  a form  of 
Government  as  best  suits  her  wishes.” 

“ Your  Excellency  will  at  once  perceive  how  great  an 
error  I should  commit,  in  assuming  the  Supreme  Magis- 
tracy, when  my  duty  calls  me  to  the  field  to  tight  against 
the  enemies  of  the  Republic.  I should  disgrace  myself  if, 
when  called  to  the  post  of  danger,  I should  spring  to  that 
of  power.” 

“ The  elections  for  Members  of  Congress  to  form  the 
Constitution  which  the  people  wish  to  adopt  are  proceed- 
ing. That  Congress  will  now  soon  convene,  and  while  I 
shall  be  engaged  in  the  conflict,  in  armed  defence  of  her 
independence,  the  nation  will  place  such  safeguards  around 
her  liberties  as  may  best  suit  herself.”  . 

The  first  and  all-absorbing  business  of  the  Congress 
and  the  crisis  was,  to  procure  resources  to  carry  on  the 
government,  and  continue  the  war  then  pending  with  the 
United  States.  The  conflict  between  the  Government  and 
the  “ Clergy  ” has  already  been  alluded  to  in  the  sketch 
of  Juarez. 

DON  VALENTIN  GOMEZ  FARIAS. 

“ Citizen  Valentin  Gomez  Farias,  one  of  the  earliest, 
most  constant,  and  honored  liberal  republicans,  occupied 
the  Presidential  chair.  He  brought  forward,  as  the  only 


A 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  273 

means  of  supplying  the  indispensable  necessities  of  the 
nation,  the  celebrated  law  for  the  loan  of  fourteen  millions 
of  dollars,  to  be  raised  upon  the  property  of  the  clergy  ; 
and  in  the  event  of  the  impossibility  of  the  negotiation, 
then  the  sale  of  said  property  until  the  requisite  amount 
should  be  raised. 

“There  were  three  parties  in  the  Congress : 1.  That 

of  the  ‘ old  regime,’  the  clerical  and  monarchical  inter- 
ests, a small  minority.  2.  The  radical  republican  party, 
Rejon,  Ramirez  and  Juarez  as  their  leaders.  3.  The  mod- 
erates, who  were  strongly  represented,  and  headed,  by 
Otero. 

“ The  monarchists  and  the  moderates  attacked  the  law. 
The  Republicans  sustained  it.  After  a masterly  and  brilliant 
discussion,  long  to  be  remembered  in  the  annals  of  Mexico, 
the  bill  passed  by  a small  majority.  The  power  and  elo- 
quence with  which  Rejon,  Ramirez,  and  Juarez  supported 
the  measure,  it  has  been  said,  would  have  attracted  univer- 
sal attention,  had  not  the  echoes  of  their  thrilling,  patriotic 
appeals  been  silenced  by  the  thunders  of  foreign  guns  re- 
verberating along  the  shores  of  the  gulf  and  the  Pacific.” 

Protest  of  the  During  the  discussion,  the  Vicar-general  of 
\ icar-Generai.  jy[exp,0  sent  -n  a pr0^es^  against  the  bill,  which 

was  read  to  the  Chambers.  But  the  measure  was  deemed 
just,  and  indispensable  Xo  the  salvation  of  the  Republic. 
The  decree  was  approved  by  the  President,  and  was  pro- 
mulgated the  following  day. 

In  three  days,  the  Archbishop’s  chapter  issued  a formal 
protest  against  the  law,  as  violating  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  the  church,  and  the  decisions  of  the  Council  of 
Trent. 

“ The  opposition  of  the  church  party  extended  through- 
out the  country.  The  priesthood  denounced  the  govern- 
18 


274 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ment,  as  favoring  the  cause  of  the  enemies  of  the  faith.  In 
the  cities  and  large  towns,  where  religious  establishments 
and  ecclesiastics  existed  in  great  numbers,  the  excitement 
and  opposition  were  violent.  The  protest  of  the  Arch- 
bishop’s chapter  was  followed  by  others  from  Puebla, 
Queretaro,  and  other  States,  the  clergy  using  everywhere 
all  the  arts  known  to  them,  to  stir  the  popular  mind  against 
Farias  and  the  Government.  In  1835,  when  he  supported 
a similar  measure,  the  hatred  and  instigations  of  the  clergy 
compelled  him  to  fly  for  his  life.” 

Power  of  the  The  passions  and  resistance  excited  by  the 

Priesthood  over  1 ^ 

the  People,  clergy  made  it  impossible  to  execute  the  law. 

The  officers  charged  with  the  duty  were  assailed  by  the 
multitude.  By  priestly  domination  they  were  led  to  be- 
lieve, that  an  Archbishop  and  ten  Bishops,  two  hundred 
Cathedral  Dignitaries,  five  thousand  Priests  and  Fathers 
of  all  orders,  and  perhaps  five  thousand  more  inmates  of 
convents,  nunneries,  and  religious  houses,  enjoying  the  ac- 
cumulated ecclesiastical  acquisitions  of  three  hundred  years, 
to  the  amount  of  more  than  three  hundred  millions  of  the 
most  valuable  property  of  the  nation,  a large  portion  of 
its  available  wealth — who  held  all  its  offices  of  honor  and 
of  tfust — who  had  controlled  all  its  measures  of  domestic 
administration  and  of  foreign  policy  in  all  things,  temjioral 
and  spiritual — who  were  living  in  luxury  and  ease,  should  be 
exempt  from  bearing  any  share  in  the  pecuniary  burdens  of 
the  State.  It  was  sacrilege  to  tax  a Priest.  It  was  piety  and 
patriotism  in  the  masses  to  support  both  Church  and  State. 

All  the  penalties  of  the  inquisition,  except  the 
fagot  and  the  stake,  were  denounced  against 
the  Government  and  its  executive  officers,  and  all  who 
should  participate  in  the  purchase  or  sale  of  the  estates  of 
the  Church.  There  were  no  buyers. 


Anathemas. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


275 


Popular  effect. 


The  same  scenes  enacted  in  England  in  the  reign  of 
King  John  were  repeated  here. 

Ecclesiastical  ’ Not  content  with  this  opposition,  the  clergy 
weapous.  wielded,  with  all  its  well-known  effect,  that  subtle, 
insidious  weapon,  spiritual  power,  which  appalls  the  minds  of 
an  unenlightened  population.  The  cathedrals  and  churches 
were  closed ; the  altars  robed  in  mourning ; no  mass,  no 
swinging  censer  of  incense,  no  prayer,  no  benediction,  no 
marriage  rite  nor  baptism,  no  sacrament  except  for  the 
sick  and  the  dying,  and  no  mass  for  the  souls  of  the  dead. 

The  accompaniments  of  such  a state  of  things — 
of  the  priestly  game  on  the  one  hand,  and  popu- 
lar impressions  on  the  other,  can  be  more  easily  imagined 
than  described.  Multitudes  cursed  the  Government. 
Public  journals  in  the  interest  of  the  clergy,  openly  coun- 
selled rebellion  against  the  Executive  and  the  Congress, 
in  order  to  defeat  “ the  sacrilegious  attempt  to  despoil  the 
Ministers  of  Heaven  of  their  sacred  wealth.” 

President  Farias,  with  a firmness  and  devotion 
“ equality  before  the  law,” 
that  entitles  him  to  the  everlasting  gratitude  of  those  who 
mean  to  live  and  die  to  establish  “ human  rights,”  was 
neither  intimidated  nor  deterred  from  his  course  by  the 
denunciations  of  the  priests,  or  the  threats  of  their  de- 
luded people. 

But  the  clergy  were  indefatigable.  They 
sowed  dissensions  among  the  people,  the  soldiery, 
and  the  government,  until  the  city  was  ripe  for  the  result, 
when  Don  Matias  Pena  y Barrigan,  a monarchist  and  an 
ally  of  the  clergy,  headed  an  insurrection,  and  issued  his 
pronunciamento  against  the  Federal  system  and  Gomez 
F arias. 

This  act  in  the  Mexican  drama  closed  by  the  return 


Indomitable 

firmness  of  . . 

Farias.  to  the  principle  of 


The  Clerical 
Eevolution. 


27  6 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  Santa  Anna  to  the  Capital,  under  a compromise  with  the 
clerical  and  monarchical  party,  who  had  so  long  before 
announced  their  purpose  to  erect  a monarchy,  and  invite  a 
Foreign  Prince  to  the  throne  ! the  same  party  that  subse- 
quently, in  1863,  welcomed  the  foreign  invaders  at  Puebla, 
with  all  the  pomp  the  Mexican  Hierachy  could  display. 
Defection  of  Santa  Anna,  whose  professions  and  oath  we 
Santa  Anna.  jiaye  apove  recorded,  on  the  24th  of  March,  1847, 

accepted  a welcome  from  those  whom,  six  months  before,  he 
pronounced  enemies  of  his  country,  and  is  inaugurated  their 
President  with  all  the  honors — a Mass  and  Te  Deum  in 
the  Cathedral. 

English  view  of  The  London  Chronicle  of  June  15,  1847,  said 
santa  Anna.  j-j^g  even^  “ This  is  the  third  time  Santa 

Anna  has  held  in  his  hand  the  destinies  of  his  country, 
and  three  times  he  has  shown  himself  unequal  to  the  task. 
The  events  of  the  year  1847  have  been  but  a repetition  of 
those  of  1835  and  1841;  at  each  of  the  three  periods  he 
has  brought  ruin  upon  Mexico,  and  his  fall  will  now,  it  is 
to  be  hoped,  prove  irretrievable.” 

During  his  Dictatorship,  he  abolished  the  Institute  of 
Sciences  in  Oajaca,  for  its  liberal  principles,  and  on  July 
1,  1854,  he  commissioned  Senor  Gutierrez  Estrada  “to 
negotiate  in  Europe  for  the  establishment  of  a Monarchy 
in  Mexico,”  with  powers  as  follows  : 

“I  confer  upon  him,  by  these  presents,  the  full  powers 
necessary  to  enter  into  arrangements  and  make  the  proper 
offers  at  the  Courts  of  London,  Paris,  Madrid,  and  Vien- 
na, to  obtain  from  those  Governments,  or  from  any  one  of 
them,  the  establishment  of  a Monarchy,  derived  from  any 
of  the  Poyal  Paces  of  those  powers,  under  qualifications 
and  conditions  to  be  established  by  special  instructions.” 


PART  VII. 


THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PROGRESSIVE  STEPS  TOWARDS  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

The  three  The  Mexican  Revolution,  as  a whole,  involved 

stages  of  the  , . m] 

Revolution,  three  great  events  or  proceedings  : 1.  I he 

throwing  off  the  yoke  of  Spain , and  the  maintenance  of 
an  independent  organic  existence.  2.  The  overthrow  of 
the  ecclesiastical  system  at  home , which  like  the  pall  of 
Egypt  overshadowed  the  whole  land.  3.  The  construction 
of  a new  government,  on  principles  in  harmony  with  the 
“ rights  of  man,”  and  the  spirit  of  modern  civilization. 
The  latter  implied  a complete  reconstruction  of  society 
in  all  the  domain  of  government,  of  religious  institutions, 
and  of  the  entire  fabric  of  civil,  social,  and  educational  life. 

After  the  first  really  national  Congress,  and 
the  Constitution  of  1824,  the  work  of  reorganiza- 
tion was  embarrassed  and  hampered  by  the  perpetual 
opposition  of  the  Church  party.  They  left  no  measures 
untried  to  defeat  the  designs  and  efforts  of  the  Republican 
party  to  establish  order  and  law,  under  the  protection  of  a 
free  Constitutional  government.  And  yet  every  outbreak 
and  every  outrage  was  overruled  for  the  furtherance  of 
both  civil  and  religious  freedom,  on  broader  and  firmer 
foundations.  Every  step  in  the  way,  every  attempted  re- 


278 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


actionary  movement  turned  out  for  the  destruction  of  some 
lingering  relic,  or  dangerous  buttress  of  the  old  despotism. 
Action  and  From  1824  to  1853,  the  country  was  rent  and 
torn  by  a succession  of  conflicts,  in  which  the 
distinctive  principles  of  the  two  great  parties  were  ever 
uppermost.  The  Church  power  was  wielded  with  indefat- 
igable and  unscrupulous  energy,  to  baffle  the  Republicans, 
and  stay  the  progress  of  constitutional  freedom.  But  its 
march  was  irresistible.  There  were  pronunciamentos  and 
“Plans.”  “Bases  of  Political  organization,”  Centralized 
military  dictatorships,  and  schemes  at  home  and  schemes 
abroad  to  destroy  the  Republic,  to  establish  a monarchy, 
with  a Foreign,  a Bourbon  Prince,  upon  the  throne,  to 
perpetuate  the  sway  of  the  Priesthood,  and  entrench  them, 
in  their  long-cherished  immunities  and  monopolies.  In 
all  the  plans  of  the  church  party,  “ The  Roman  Catholic 
Religion,”  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others,  was  to  be  the 
Religion  of  the  State,  and  the  exercise  of  any  and  every 
other  forbidden.” 

The  plan  of  There  was  the  “plan  of  Tacubaya,”  in  1841, 
under  the  inspiration  of  Santa  Anna,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Church  party  and  officers  of  the  army.  One 
hundred  and  ninety-one  individuals  proclaimed  the  exist- 
ing Constitution  suspended,  and  displaced  by  another.  A 
new  Congress  was  called,  a junta  created,  to  be  named  by 
the  General-in-chief  of  the  army,  (Santa  Anna.)  The 
junta  was  to  elect  the  provisional  President,  who  was  to 
be  “ invested  with  all  the  powers  necessary  to  reorgan- 
ize the  nation,  and  all  the  branches  of  the  administra- 
tion ; ” in  other  words,  with  supreme  power.  The  General 
selected  the  junta,  and  the  junta  selected  him.  And  this 
is  a fair  specimen  of  the  reactionary  movements  of  the 
“ old  regime.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


279 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  REVOLUTION  OF  AYUTLA 1853. 

The  triumph  The  great  final,  triumphant  step  in  the  regen- 
of  Republicans.  era^on  0f  Mexico,  was  irrevocably  taken  in 

1853,  by  the  “Plan  of  Ayutla,”  proclaimed  by  Generals 
Alvarez  and  Comonfort. 

During  the  dictatorship  of  Santa  Anna,  the  liberal 
party  had  made  steady  progress  throughout  the  Republic. 
They  aimed  at  radical  reforms  in  the  government,  and 
were  indefatigable  in  extending  a knowledge  of  their  prin- 
ciples and  objects.  The  clergy,  equally  intent  upon  op- 
posing both,  made  every  possible  effort  to  uphold  the 
Dictator,  in  a course  and  policy  whicli  genuine  Mexicans 
detested.  As  most  other  nations  would  have  done,  they 
repudiated  the  idea  of  inviting  or  imposing  a foreign  mon- 
archy upon  themselves,  and  looked  upon  Santa  Anna  as 
a traitor  to  his  country,  a violator  of  his  oath,  and  recreant 
to  the  most  natural  and  deep-seated  instincts  of  a patriotic 
and  loyal  people. 

Generals  Alvarez  and  Comonfort  were  the 
leaders,  during  this  period,  in  the  great  move- 
ment of  the  Republicans  against  the  Church  party  under 
Santa  Anna.  Alvarez,  honored  and  trusted  for  his  devo- 
ted patriotism  and  incorruptible  integrity,  was  the  most 
prominent  in  asserting  and  maintaining  the  reforms  em- 
bodied in  the  “ Plan  of  Ayutla,”  and  was  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Republican  forces,  but  from  his  advanced  age 
and  infirmities,  was  less  conspicuous  in  the  active  service 
of  the  campaign. 

General  Comonfort  was,  in  character,  political  opinions, 
and  associations,  of  the  moderate  party,  but  in  this  move- 


280 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ment,  allied  himself  with  the  Republicans,  and  by  his 
activity  and  prestige  contributed  greatly  to  their  success  in 
the  “ Plan  of  Ayutla.” 

Defeat  of  the  Santa  Anna  and  the  u Church  Party”  made 
< hurch  party.  a desperate  struggle  to  defeat  it.  But  the  gene- 
ral indignation  at  the  defection  of  the  former,  a pledged 
and  sworn  defender  of  the  Republic,  the  justice  and  benefi- 
cence of  the  principles  and  objects  proclaimed  at  Ayutla, 
together  with  the  character  of  the  patriotic  leaders  of  the 
movement,  and  the  numbers  of  their  forces,  overcame  all 
opposition.  It  was  a signal  triumph.  The  Church  power 
was  overthrown ; Santa  Anna  fled  the  country.  On  the 
4th  of  October,  1855,  a Republican  assembly  was  convok- 
ed at  Cuernavaca,  about  sixty  miles  south  of  Mexico. 
General  Alvarez  was  elected  President,  who  immediately 
called  J uarez  to  his  cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Departments  of  Justice,  Ecclesiastical  Affairs,  and  Public 
Instruction.  On  the  17th  of  October,  the  President 
issued  a proclamation  for  an  election  of  delegates  to  a na- 
tional Congress,  to  meet  “for  the  purpose  of  reconstituting 
the  nation , under  the  form  of  a popular  representative  de- 
mocratic republic''' 

rrecarious  The  state  of  parties,  however,  did  not  encour- 
age the  hope  of  a long  continuance  of  this  ad- 
ministration. The  composition  of  the  Cabinet  of  President 
Alvarez  was  of  such  heterogeneous  elements,  taken  from 
the  republican  and  from  the  moderate  parties,  as  to  inter- 
pose the  most  serious  obstacles  to  the  progress  of  radical 
reforms.  Comonfort  himself  could  not  be  relied  upon  to 
stand  firm,  in  the  face  of  the  Church  party,  and  of*  the 
remains  of  the  army  abandoned  by  Santa  Anna.  This 
was,  however,  greatly  demoralized  by  partial  dissolution 
and  the  onward  sweep  of  the  reform  movement.  Still 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


281 


there  was  power  enough  and  influence  over  it  left,  to  occa- 
sion great  uneasiness  and  uncertainty, 
policy  of  the  Juarez,  Ocampo,  and  the  Republican  party 
Republicans.  were  ^egjrous  to  tj0  away  with  the  army,  as  con- 
taining: elements  of  danger  and  disorder  in  the  work  of  the 
reconstruction  of  the  State.  They  promulgated  every- 
where the  desire  and  the  right  to  constitute  a government 
“Of  the  People,”  “By  the  People,”  “ For  the  People,” 
unembarrassed  by  the  presence  and  possible  opposition  of 
an  unfriendly  military  power.  Comonfort  was  inclined  to 
retain,  recruit,  and  reform  the  army,  in  which  the  whole 
Church  party,  of  course,  and  the  moderates  generally,  con- 
curred. 

Under  these  circumstances,  it  was  next  to  impossible 
to  bring  about  any  measures  favorable  to  the  Republican 
party. 


“ THE  JUAREZ  LAW  ” FOR  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE.  * 

The  law  of  One  °f  the  first  acts  of  President  Alvarez  was 
the  proclamation,  on  the  22d  of  November,  1855, 
of  the  celebrated  law  “ for  the  administration  of  justice,” 
known  as  the  “ Law  of  Juarez.”  This  law,  although  it 
embodied  great  and  essential  reforms  in  the  administration 
of  justice,  was  chiefly  opposed  because  it  abolished  the 
ivhole  system  of  class  legislation , suppressed  the  military 
and  ecclesiastical  fueros — the  privileged  and  special  tribu- 
nals and  charters  of  the  clergy  and  the  army — and 
established,  for  the  first  time  in  Mexico,  equality  of  the  citi- 
zens before  the  laiv.  This  was  a terrible  blow  to  the 
Church  party,  divesting  them  of  a mighty  power  which 
these  immunities  and  privileges  enabled  them  to  exercise 
over  the  two  great  controlling  organizations  of  the  Repub- 


*See  Appendix. 


282 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


lie.  Exempted  from  the  common  laws  of  the  people,  and 
vested  with  singular  rights,  charters,  and  franchises,  they 
maintained  a caste  and  a clique  in  the  body  politic 
as  selfish  and  oppressive  as  it  was  odious  ; always  evading 
the  laws  of  the  nation,  and  arrogating  to  themselves  all 
the  prerogatives  of  an  exclusive  aristocracy. 

Approval  of  The  law  met  with  the  approval  of  an  immense 
majority  throughout  the  Republic.  But  the 
Church  party  and  the  moderates  became  pledged  to  its 
overthrow.  Comonfort,  displeased  with  the  law  and  its 
author,  entered  into  a compromise  with  the  Church  party 
in  opposition  to  it.  Covertly  or  indirectly  he  incited 
various  military  revolts  which  broke  out  on  the  promulga- 
tion of  the  law,  and,  aided  by  all  the  party  influence  he 
could  bring  to  bear,  finally  induced  President  Alvarez,  in 
view  of  his  age,  infirmities,  and  the  cares  of  the  govern- 
ment, to  resign  the  Presidency,  and  to  nominate  himself 
instead,  as  “ President  substitute  ” of  the  nation. 

“The  Law  of  Justice,”  however,  continued  in  force, 
because,  on  the  one  hand  Comonfort  dared  not  at  once  to 
revoke  it,  and  on  the  other,  the  constituent  Congress  short- 
ly.afterwards  gave  it  its  sanction.” 

Final  adoption  After  the  success  of  the  “Plan  of  Ayutla,” 
tution.  ^un  *'  {he  overthrow  of  the  Church  party,  and  the 
flight  of  Santa  Anna,  in  1855,  the  Constituent  Congress, 
convoked  by  the  proclamation  of  General  Alvarez  on  the 
17th  of  October,  assembled  on  the  18th  of  February,  1856. 
It  continued  in  session  one  year,  framed  and  adopted  the 
Constitution,  which  was  sworn  to  on  the  3d  of  February, 
1857,  and  became  from  that  time  the  supreme  organic  law 
of  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  The  government  under  it 
was  officially  recognized  by  the  representatives  of  foreign 
powers. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


283 


The  Constitution  provided  for  the  election  of  a new 
Congress,  and  of  a President,  whose  term  of  office  should 
begin  on  the  1st  of  December,  1857,  and  continue- four 
years  ; and  that  in  the  event  of  the  absence  of  the  President, 
his  office  should  devolve  upon  the  Chief- Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court. 

The  following  is  the  Constitution : 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  1857. 

Ignacio  Comonfort , President  Substitute  of  the  Mexican  Repub- 
lic, to  the  inhabitants  of  the  same. 

Be  it  known  that  the  extraordinary  constituent  congress  has 
decreed  as  follows : 

In  the  name  of  God,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  Mexican 
people — 

The  representatives  of  the  different  States,  the  district  and 
territories  that  comprise  the  republic  of  Mexico,  called  by  the 
plan  proclaimed  in  Ayutla  on  the  1st  of  March,  1851,  reformed  in 
Acapulco  on  the  11th  of  the  same  month  and  year,  and  publish- 
ed by  the  convention  of  October  17,  1855,  in  order  to  constitute 
the  nation  under  the  democratic  republican  form,  representative 
and  popular,  putting  in  exercise  the  powers  with  which  they  are 
vested,  comply  with  their  high  charge  by  decreeing  the  following 

CONSTITUTION 

Of  the  Mexican  republic , upon  the  indestructible  base  of  its  legiti- 
mate independence,  proclaimed  the  1 Qth  of  September , 1810, 
and  consummated  on  the  27th  of  September,  1821. 

Title  I. 

Section  first. — Of  the  rights  of  man. 

Article  1.  The  Mexican  people  recognize  that  the  rights  of 


284 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


man  are  the  basis  and  the  object  of  social  institutions.  Where- 
fore it  is  declared,  that  all  the  laws  and  the  authorities  of  the 
country  must  respect  and  sustain  the  guarantees  established  by  the 
present  constitution. 

Article  2.  All  are  lorn  free  in  the  republic.  Slaves  that  set 
foot  upon  the  national  territory  recover  by  that  single  act  their 
liberty,  and  have  the  right  to  the  protection  of  the  laws. 

Article  3.  Education  is  free.  The  law  shall  determine  what 
professions  need  license  for  their  exercise,  and  with  what  requi- 
sites relative  thereto. 

Article  4.  Every  man  is  free  to  adopt  such  profession  or  in- 
dustrial pursuit  as  he  may  prefer,  the  same  being  useful  and 
honorable,  and  to  enjoy  the  products  thereof.  Neither  shall  any 
one  be  hindered  in  the  exercise  of  such  profession  or  industrial 
pursuit  unless  by  judicial  sentence,  when  the  same  prejudices  the 
rights  of  a third  person,  or  by  executive  order,  dictated  in  terms 
prescribed  by  law,  in  case  the  same  otfends  the  rights  of  society. 

Article  5.  No  one  shall  be  forced  to  give  his  personal  labor 
without  just  remuneration,  and  without  his  full  consent.  The  law 
shall  not  authorize  any  contract  having  for  its  object  the  loss  or 
the  irrevocable  sacrifice  of  the  liberty  of  man,  whether  the  same 
be  for  labor,  education,  or  religious  vows.  Neither  shall  the  law 
authorize  agreements  by  which  a man  stipulates  his  own  proscrip- 
tion or  exile. 

Article  6.  The  expression  of  opinions  shall  not  be  the  object 
of  any  inquisition,  judicial  or  administrative,  except  when  the 
same  is  an  attack  upon  morals,  assails  the  rights  of  third  parties, 
incites  to  any  crime  or  offence,  or  disturbs  public  order. 

Article  7.  The  liberty  of  writing  and  publishing  works  on 
whatsoever  subjects  is  inviolable.  No  law  nor  authority  shall 
establish  previous  censorship,  nor  exact  bonds  from  the  authors 
or  printers,  nor  limit  the  liberty  of  the  press,  which  has  no  limits 
but  with  regard  to  private  life,  to  morals,  and  the  public  peace. 
The  crimes  of  the  press  shall  be  judged  by  one  jury  that  shall  de- 
termine the  fact,  and  by  another  that  shall  apply  the  law  and  fix 
the  penalty. 

Article  8.  The  right  of  petition  is  inviolable,  exercised  in 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


285 


writing,  and  in  a manner  respectful  and  pacific  ; but  in  political 
matters  it  can  only  be  exercised  by  citizens  of  the  republic.  To 
all  petitions  shall  be  returned  the  written  opinion  of  the  authority 
to  whom  they  may  have  been  directed,  upon  whom  the  obligation 
is  imposed  of  making  known  the  result  to  the  petitioner. 

Article  9.  To  none  shall  be  limited  the  right  to  associate  or 
reunite  pacifically  for  whatsoever  lawful  object;  but  only  the 
citizens  of  the  republic  can  assemble  in  order  to  take  part  in  the 
political  affairs  of  the  country.  Ho  armed  assembly  has  the  right 
of  deliberation. 

Article  10.  All  men  have  the  right  to  possess  and  carry  arms 
for  their  security  and  legitimate  defence.  The  law  shall  deter- 
mine what  shall  be  prohibited,  and  the  penalty  to  be  incurred  for 
carrying  them. 

Article  11.  All  men  have  the  right  of  entering  and  leaving 
the  republic,  of  travelling  through  its  territory,  and  of  changing 
their  residence  without  the  necessity  of  letters  of  security,  pass- 
ports, salvo  conducta,  or  other  similar  requisite.  The  exercise  of 
this  right  shall  not  prejudice  the  legitimate  faculties  of  the  judi- 
cial or  administrative  authority  in  cases  of  criminal  or  civil 
responsibility. 

Article  12.  There  are  not , nor  shall  there  be , recognized  in 
the  republic,  titles  of  nobility,  nor  prerogatives,  nor  hereditary 
honors.  Solely  the  people,  legitimately  represented,  may  decree 
recompenses  in  honor  of  those  that  have  given  or  are  rendering 
eminent  services  to  their  country  or  to  humanity. 

Article  13.  In  the  Mexican  republic  no  one  shall  be  judged 
by  special  laws,  nor  by  special  tribunals.  No  person  or  corpora- 
tion can  have  fueros,  nor  enjoy  emoluments  that  are  not  in  com- 
pensation for  a public  service,  and  that  are  established  by  law. 
Martial  law  shall  exist  solely  for  crimes  and  offences  that  have 
exact  connexion  with  military  discipline.  The  law  shall  prescribe 
with  clearness  the  cases  included  in  this  exception. 

Article  14.  No  retroactive  law  shall  be  passed.  Ho  one  shall 
be  judged  or  sentenced  except  under  laws  of  date  anterior  to  the 
fact  and  exactly  applicable  to  the  case,  and  by  a tribunal  which 
shall  have  been  previously  established  by  law. 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Article  15.  Treaties  shall  never  he  made  for  the  extradition 
of  political  offenders,  nor  for  that  of  those  criminals  under  the 
common  law,  who  shall  have  been  held  in  the  country  where  the 
offence  was  committed  in  the  condition  of  slaves ; nor  shall  con- 
ventions or  treaties  be  made  by  which  in  any  manner  are  altered 
the  rights  and  guarantees  which  this  constitution  secures  to  the 
man  and  to  the  citizen. 

Article  16.  No  one  may  be  molested  in  his  person,  family , 
domicile,  papers,  or  possessions,  except  in  virtue  of  a written  order 
from  a competent  authority,  based  upon  legal  cause  for  the  pro- 
ceeding. In  case  of  high  crimes,  all  persons  may  apprehend  the 
offenders  and  their  accomplices,  putting  them  without  delay  at 
the  disposal  of  the  nearest  authorities. 

Article  17.  No  one  can  be  arrested  for  debts  of  a character 
purely  civil.  No  one  may  exercise  violence  in  reclaiming  his 
rights.  Tribunals  are  established  for  administering  justice  ; this 
shall  be  gratuitous,  judicial  costs  are  therefore  abolished. 

Article  18.  Imprisonment  shall  only  take  place  for  offences 
which  merit  personal  punishment.  In  whatever  stage  of  the  pro- 
ceedings it  shall  appear  that  the  accused  may  not  be  liable  to 
this  penalty,  he  shall  be  put  at  liberty  under  bail.  In  no  case 
shall  the  imprisonment  be  prolonged  for  default  of  payment  of 
fees,  or  whatever  other  furnishing  of  money. 

Article  19.  No  detention  shall  exceed  the  term  of  three 
days,  except  upon  proof  of  sufficient  reason  for  imprisonment,  in 
conformity  with  the  requisites  required  by  law.  The  sole  lapse 
of  this  time  shall  render  responsible  the  authority  that  orders  or 
consents  to  it,  and  the  agents,  officers,  or  jailors  that  execute  it. 
All  maltreatment  in  the  apprehension  or  confinement  of  prison- 
ers, all  hardship  which  shall  be  inflicted  without  legal  motive,  and 
all  taxes  or  contributions  in  the  prisons,  are  abuses  which  shall 
be  corrected  by  the  laws  and  severely  punished  bv  the  authori- 
ties. 

Article  20.  In  all  criminal  trials,  the  accused  shall  have  the 
following  guarantees  : First.  That  of  being  informed  of  the  mo- 
tive of  the  proceeding  and  the  name  of  the  accuser,  if  there 
should  be  one.  Second.  That  of  taking  his  preparatory  declara- 


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287 


tion  within  forty-eight  hours,  computed  from  the  time  of  the 
order  for  his  arrest  from  the  judge.  Third.  That  of  being  con- 
fronted with  the  witnesses  against  him.  Fourth.  That  he  shall 
be  furnished  with  the  facts  and  averments  contained  in  the  ac- 
cusation, in  order  to  prepare  his  defence.  Fifth.  That  of  being 
heard  in  defence  by  himself  or  by  counsel,  or  by  both,  according 
as  he  may  desire.  In  case  of  having  no  one  to  defend  him,  he 
shall  he  presented  -with  a list  of  the  official  counsel,  that  he  may 
select  the  one,  or  the  ones  he  may  desire. 

Article  21.  The  application  of  punishment,  properly  such, 
belongs  to  the  judicial  authority.  Political  or  administrative 
authorities  can  only  impose,  as  corrections,  lines  not  exceeding 
live  hundred  dollars,  and  confinement  not  exceeding  one  month, 
in  cases  and  manner  expressly  determined  by  law. 

Article  22.  There  shall  he  forever  prohibited  'penalties  of 
mutilation , and  of  infamy , branding , fogging , the  bastinado , 
torture  of  whatever  species , excessive  fines,  confiscation  of  property, 
or  whatever  other  unsuitable  or  unusual  punishment. 

Article  23.  In  order  to  abolish  the  penalty  of  death,  the 
administrative  power  is  charged  with  establishing,  without  delay, 
a penitentiary  system.  Until  then  it  shall  be  abolished  for  politi- 
cal offences,  and  shall  not  be  used  in  other  than  cases  of  high 
treason  during  foreign  war,  highway  robbery,  arson,  parricide, 
murder  with  malice  premeditated  or  for  gain,  high  military  of- 
fences, and  for  piracy,  as  defined  by  law. 

Article  21.  Ho  criminal  proceeding  may  have  more  than 
three  instances.  Ho  one  shall  be  tried  twice  for  the  same  offence, 
whether  he  be  absolved  or  condemned  by  the  judgment.  The 
practice  of  exempting  from  the  regular  course  of  proceedings 
shall  be  abolished. 

Article  25.  Sealed  correspondence  circulating  by  the  mails 
shall  be  inviolable.  The  violation  of  this  guarantee  is  an  offence 
which  the  law  shall  severely  chastise. 

Article  26.  In  time  of  peace,  no  military  authority  may 
exact  quarters,  transportation,  or  other  service,  real  or  personal, 
without  the  consent  of  the  proprietor.  In  time  of  war  it  may 
only  be  taken  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  law. 


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Article  27.  Private  property  shall  not  be  taken  without  the 
consent  of  the  owner,  except  in  cases  of  public  utility  and  with 
previous  indemnification.  The  law  shall  determine  the  authority 
that  may  make  the  appropriation  in  such  cases,  and  the  requi- 
sites for  its  exercise.  No  corporation , civil  or  ecclesiastical , what- 
ever may  be  its  character,  denomination,  or  object,  shall  have 
legal  power  to  acquire  in  proprietorship,  or  to  administer  for 
itself  real  estate , with  the  sole  exception  of  edifices  destined  ex- 
clusively and  directly  to  the  purpose  or  object  of  the  institution. 

Article  28.  Monopolies  shall  not  he  established , nor  places 
for  the  sale  of  privileged  goods,  nor  prohibitions  in  the  character 
of  so-called  protections  to  industry,  excepting  solely  those  rela- 
tive to  the  coining  of  money,  to  the  mails,  and  to  those  privi- 
leges which,  for  a limited  time,  are  conceded  by  the  law  to  the 
inventors  or  perfectors  of  any  improvement. 

Article  29.  In  cases  of  invasion,  grave  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace,  or  whatever  cause  which  may  put  society  in  great 
peril  or  conflict,  solely  the  President  of  the  republic  in  con- 
currence with  the  council  of  ministers,  and  with  the  approbation 
of  the  congress  of  the  union,  and  in  the  recess  of  this,  of  the  per- 
manent deputation,  may  suspend  the  guarantees  established  by 
this  constitution,  with  exception  of  those  that  assure  the  life  of 
man ; but  such  suspension  shall  be  only  for  a limited  time,  by 
means  of  general  provisions,  and  of  such  a character  as  not  to 
favor  a determined  individual  purpose.  If  the  suspension  take 
place  during  the  session  of  congress,  this  shall  grant  such  authori- 
zation as  they  shall  esteem  necessary  to  enable  the  executive  to 
confront  the  circumstances.  If  it  shall  take  place  during  recess, 
the  permanent  deputation  shall,  without  delay,  convoke  the  con- 
gress for  its  advice  and  action. 


Section  second. — Of  Mexicans. 

Article  30.  They  are  Mexicans:  First.  Who  are  born 
within  or  without  the  republic,  of  Mexican  fathers.  Second. 
Strangers  that  are  naturalized  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  the 
federation.  Third.  Strangers  who  acquire  real  estate  in  the  re- 


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289 


public,  or  have  Mexican  sons ; providing  always,  they  do  not 
manifest  tlieir  resolution  to  preserve  their  nationality. 

Article  31.  It  is  obligatory  upon  all  Mexicans : First.  To 

defend  the  independence,  the  territory,  the  honor,  the  rights,  and 
the  interests  of  their  country.  Second.  To  contribute  towards 
public  expenses,  as  well  of  the  federation  as  of  the  State  and 
municipality  where  they  may  reside,  in  an  equitable  and  propor- 
tional manner,  as  shall  be  prescribed  by  the  laws. 

Article  32.  Mexicans  shall  he  preferred  to  strangers  under  - 
eguality  of  circumstances  for  all  public  employments , trusts,  or 
commissions  named  by  the  authorities,  when  the  quality  of  citi- 
zenship shall  not  be  indispensable. 

Laws  shall  be  formed  for  improving  the  condition  of  Mexican 
laborers,  providing  premiums  for  those  who  distinguish  them- 
selves in  whatever  science  or  art,  stimulating  industry,  and 
founding  colleges  and  practical  schools  of  art  and  industry. 

Section  th  ird. — Of  strangers. 

Article  33.  Those  are  strangers  who  do  not  possess  the 
qualifications  determined  in  article  30.  They  are  entitled  to  the 
guarantees  established  by  section  first,  title  first,  of  the  present 
constitution,  except  that  in  all  cases  the  government  has  the 
right  to  expel  those  who  are  pernicious  to  society. 

It  is  obligatory  upon  them  to  contribute  towards  public  ex- 
penses in  the  manner  that  may  be  prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  to 
obey  and  respect  the  institutions,  laws,  and  authorities  of  the 
country,  submitting  to  the  judgments  and  sentences  of  the  tribu- 
nals, without  power  to  seek  other  protection  than  that  which  the 
laws  concede  to  Mexican  citizens. 

Section  fourth. — Of  Mexican  citizens. 

Article  31.  Those  are  citizens  of  the  republic  who,  having 
the  quality  ot  Mexicans,  have  also  the  following  requisites : 
First.  Eighteen  years  of  age  if  married,  or  twenty-one  if  not 
married.  Second.  An  honest  means  of  livelihood. 

Article  35.  The  prerogatives  of  citizens  are  : First.  To  vote 
10 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


at  popular  elections.  Second.  To  be  voted  for,  for  any  office 
subject  to  popular  election,  and  of  being  selected  for  any  other 
employment  or  commission,  having  the  requisite  qualifications 
established  by  law.  Third.  To  associate  to  discuss  the  political 
business  of  the  country.  Fourth.  To  take  arms  in  the  army  or 
in  the  national  guard,  in  defence  of  the  republic  and  its  institu- 
tions. Fifth.  To  exercise  in  all  cases  the  right  of  petition. 

Article  3G.  It  is  obligatory  upon  citizens  of  the  republic : 
First.  To  be  registered  in.  the  poll-list  of  his  municipality,  stat- 
ing the  property  of  which  he  is  possessed,  and  the  industry,  pro- 
fession, or  labor  by  which  lie  subsists.  Second.  To  enlist  in  the 
national  guard.  Third.  To  vote  at  popular  elections  in  the  dis- 
trict to  which  lie  belongs.  Fourth.  To  assist  in  the  conduct  of 
popular  elections ; which  services,  however,  shall  be  subject  to 
remuneration. 

Article  37.  The  character  of  citizen  is  lost : First.  By 

naturalization  in  a foreign  country.  Second.  By  serving  official- 
ly the  government  of  another  country , accepting  its  decorations , 
titles , or  employments , without  previous  permission  from  the  fede- 
ral congress,  excepting  literary,  scientific,  or  benevolent  titles, 
which  may  be  accepted  freely. 

Article  38.  The  law  shall  prescribe  the  cases  and  the  form 
in  which  may  be  lost  or  suspended  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and 
the  manner  in  which  they  may  be  regained. 

Title  II. 

Section  first. — Of  the  national  sovereignty  and  the  form  of 

government. 

Article  39.  The  national  sovereignty  resides  essentially  and 
originally  in  the  people.  All  public  power  springs  from  the 
people  and  is  instituted  for  their  benefit.  The  people  have  at  all 
times  the  inalienable  right  of  altering  or  modifying  their  form 
of  government. 

Article  40.  The  Mexican  people  voluntarily  constitute  them- 
selves a democratic , federal , representative  republic , formed  of 
States  free  and  sovereign  in  all  that  concerns  their  interior  gov- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


291 


eminent,  but  united  in  a federation  established  according  to  the 
principles  of  this  fundamental  law. 

Article  41.  The  people  exercise  their  sovereignty  by  means 
of  federal  officers  in  cases  belonging  to  the  federation,  and  through 
those  of  the  States  in  all  that  relates  to  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
States,  in  the  manner  respectively  established  by  this  federal  con- 
stitution, and  by  the  constitutions  of  the  States,  which  latter  shall 
never  conflict  with  the  federal  compact. 

Section  second. — Of  the  integral  parts  of  the  federation  and  of 
the  national  territory. 

Article  42.  The  national  territory  comprises  the  integral 
parts  of  the  federation,  and  the  adjacent  islands  in  both  seas. 

Article  43.  The  integral  parts  of  the  federation  are  : The 
States  of  Aguas  Calientes,  Colima,  Chiapas,  Chihuahua,  Durango, 
Guanajuato,  Guerrero,  Jalisco,  Mexico,  Miehoacan,  Nuevo  Leon 
y Coalniila.  Oajaca,  Puebla,  Queretaro,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Sinaloa, 
Sonora,  Tabasco,  Tamaulipas,  Tlaxcala,  Valle  de  Mexico,  Vera 
Cruz,  Yucatan,  Zacatecos,  and  the  Territory  of  Lower  California. 

Article  44.  The  States  of  Aguas  Calientes,  Chiapas,  Chihua- 
hua, Durango,  Guerrero,  Mexico,  Puebla,  Queretaro,  Sinaloa, 
Sonora,  Tauinaulipas,  and  the  Territory  of  Lower  California,  pre- 
serve the  limits  which  they  now  have. 

Article  45.  The  States  of  Colima  and  Tlaxcala  preserve  in 
their  new  character  of  States  the  limits  which  they  had  as  terri- 
tories of  the  federation. 

Article  40.  The  State  of  the  V alley  of  Mexico  is  formed  of 
the  territory  actually  composing  the  federal  district,  but  the  erec- 
tion into  a State  shall  only  have  effect  when  the  supreme  federal 
authorities  shall  be  removed  to  another  place. 

Article  47.  The  State  of  Neuvo  Leon  y Coalniila  comprises 
the  territory  which  heretofore  composed  the  two  States  of  which 
it  is  now  formed,  except  the  part  of  the  hacienda  of  Bonanza, 
which  is  reincorporated  in  Zacatecas,  in  the  same  terms  as  were 
established  before  its  incorporation  with  Coalniila. 

Article  48.  The  States  of  Guanajuato,  Jalisco,  Miehoacan, 
Oajaca,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Tabasco,  Vera  Cruz,  Yucatan,  and  Zac- 


292 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


atecas  recover  the  extension  and  limits  which  they  had  on  the 
31st  of  December,  1852,  with  the  alterations  which  are  established 
in  the  following  article. 

Article  49.  The  town  of  Contepec,  which  has  belonged  to 
Guanajuato,  is  incorporated  in  Miehoacan.  The  municipality  of 
Ahualulco,  which  has  belonged  to  Zacatecas,  is  incorporated  in 
San  Luis  Potosi.  The  municipalities  of  Ojo  Caliente  and  San 
Francisco  de  los  Adames,  which  have  belonged  to  San  Luis,  as 
well  as  the  towns  of  ISTeuva,  Tlaxcala,  and  San  Andres  del  Teul, 
which  have  belonged  to  Jalisco,  are  incorporated  in  Zacatecas. 
The  department  of  Tuxpan  continues  to  form  part  of  Vera  Cruz. 
The  canton  of  Iluimauguillo,  which  has  belonged  to  Vera  Cruz, 
is  incorporated  in  Tabasco. 


Title  III. 

Of  the  division  of  powers. 

Article  50.  The  supreme  power  of  the  federation  is  divided 
for  its  exercise  into  legislative , executive,  and  judicial.  Two  or 
more  of  these  powers  can  never  be  united  in  the  same  person,  nor 
the  legislative  power  be  deposited  in  one  individual. 

Section  first. — Of  the  legislative  power. 

Article  51.  The  exercise  of  the  supreme  legislative  power  is 
deposited  in  one  assembly,  which  shall  be  denominated  the  Con- 
gress of  the  TJnion. 

Paragraph  first. — Of  the  election  and  installation  of  congress. 

Article  52.  The  congress  of  the  union  shall  be  composed  of 
representatives  elected  in  their  entire  number,  each  two  years,  by 
Mexican  citizens. 

Article  53.  A deputy  shall  be  named  for  each  40,000  inhab- 
itants, or  for  each  fraction  over  20,000.  The  Territory  in  which 
the  population  shall  be  less  than  this  shall  still  be  entitled  to  send 
one  deputy. 


SIEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


293 


Article  54.  For  eacli  deputy  proper  shall  be  elected  also  a 
substitute. 

Article  55.  The  election  for  deputies  shall  be  indirect  in  the 
first  degree,  and  by  secret  ballot,  in  the  manner  which  shall  be 
prescribed  by  the  electoral  law. 

Article  56.  In  order  to  be  eligible  as  a deputy  it  is  required 
to  be  a Mexican  citizen  in  the  full  exercise  of  his  rights  ; to  have 
completed  25  years  of  age  on  the  day  of  the  openiug  of  the  ses- 
sion ; to  be  a resident  of  the  State  or  Territory  which  makes  the 
election,  and  not  to  be  an  ecclesiastic.  Residence  is  not  lost  by 
absence  in  the  discharge  of  any  public  trust  bestowed  by  popular 
election. 

xVrticle  57.  The  position  of  deputy  is  incompatible  with  the 
holding  of  any  federal  commission  or  office  from  which  a salary 
is  received. 

Article  58.  The  deputies  proper,  from  the  day  of  their  elec- 
tion up  to  the  day  on  which  their  trust  is  concluded,  cannot  ac- 
cept any  employment  offered  by  the  executive  of  the  union  by 
which  pay  is  received,  except  with  the  previous  license  of  con- 
gress. The  same  rec^usites  are  necessary  for  deputy  substitutes, 
when  in  the  exercise  of  their  functions. 

Article  59.  The  deputies  are  inviolable  for  their  opinions  ex- 
pressed in  the  discharge  of  their  trust,  and  shall  never  be  called 
to  account  for  them. 

Article  GO.  Congress  shall  decide  with  regard  to  the  election  of 
its  members,  and  determine  any  doubts  that  mayoccur  regarding 
the  same. 

Article  61.  Congress  may  not  open  its  sessions  nor  exercise 
its  functions  without  the  concurrence  of  more  than  half  of  the 
total  number  of  its  members ; but  those  present  may  convene  on 
the  day  named  by  the  law,  and  compel  the  attendance  of  absent 
members,  under  penalties  which  shall  be  designated. 

Article  62.  Congress  shall  have  each  year  two  ordinary  ses- 
sions : the  first  shall  commence  on  the  16th  of  September  and 
shall  terminate  on  the  15th  of  December,  and  the  second,  which 
cannot  be  prorogued,  shall  commence  on  the  1st  of  April  and 
terminate  on  the  last  day  of  May. 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Article  63.  At  the  opening  of  the  sessions  the  president  of 
the  union  shall  he  present  and  shall  deliver  a message  exhibiting 
the  state  of  the  union.  The  president  of  congress  shall  reply  in 
general  terms. 

Article  64.  All  resolutions  of  congress  shall  have  no  other 
character  than  that  of  laws  or  economical  bills.  The  laws  shall 
be  communicated  to  the  executive,  signed  by  the  president  and 
two  secretaries.  Economical  bills  by  two  secretaries. 


Paragraph  second. — Of  the  introduction  and  passage  of  laws. 

Article  65.  The  right  of  introducing  laws  belongs  : First.  To 
the  president  of  the  union.  Second.  To  the  deputies  of  the  fed- 
eral congress.  Third.  To  the  legislatures  of  the  States. 

Article  66.  A project  of  law  presented  by  the  president  of 
the  republic,  by  the  legislatures  of  the  States,  or  by  deputations 
from  the  same,  shall  pass  immediately  to  a committee.  Those 
that  may  be  presented  by  the  deputies  shall  be  subject  to  such 
action  as  shall  be  prescribed  by  the  rules  of  debate. 

Article  67.  All  projects  of  law  which*  may  be  rejected  by 
congress  cannot  be  presented  again  during  the  sessions  of  the 
year. 

Article  68.  The  second  session  shall  be  destined  in  all  pref- 
erence to  the  examination  of  and  action  upon  the  estimates  for 
the  following  fiscal  year,  to  the  passage  of  the  necessary  appro- 
priations according  the  same,  and  to  the  examination  of  the  ac- 
counts of  the  past  year  which  shall  be  presented  by  the  execu- 
tive. 

Article  69.  The  day  before  the  last  of  the  first  session,  the 
executive  shall  present  to  congress  the  estimates  for  the  coming 
year  and  the  accounts  of  the  last  year.  Both  shall  pass  to  a 
committee  composed  of  five  representatives,  which  shall  be  named 
the  first  day,  and  which  shall  have  the  obligation  of  examining 
both  documents  and  presenting  a report  upon  them  at  the  second 
session  of  the  second  term. 

Article  70.  The  initiatories  or  projects  of  laws  shall  be  sub- 
jected to  the  following  course:  First.  The  report  of  a committee. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


295 


Second.  One  or  two  discussions  in  the  manner  expressed  in  the 
following  clauses.  Third.  The  first  discussion  shall  take  place 
on  the  day  that  may  he  designated  by  the  president  of  congress, 
in  conformity  with  the  rules.  Fourth.  Upon  the  conclusion  ot 
this  discussion  a copy  of  the  project  shall  be  passed  to  the  execu- 
tive, that  he  may  within  the  term  of  seven  days  give  his  opinion, 
or  state  that  he  does  not  desire  to  use  this  faculty.  Fifth.  If  the 
opinion  of  the  executive  is  favorable,  the  law  shall  be  voted  upon 
without  further  discussion.  Sixth.  If  this  opinion  disagrees  in 
whole  or  in  part  with  the  law  proposed,  the  project  shall  be  re- 
turned to  the  committee,  that  they  may  examine  it  de  novo , tak- 
ing into  consideration  the  objections  of  the  government.  Seventh. 
The  new  report  shall  receive  a new  discussion,  and  upon  the 
conclusion  of  this  the  vote  upon  the  law  shall  betaken.  Eighth. 
The  approbation  of  an  absolute  majority  of  the  deputies  present. 

Article  71.  In  cases  of  notorious  urgency,  qualified  by  the 
vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  deputies  present,  congress  may  contract 
or  dispense  with  the  regular  course  prescribed  by  article  70. 

Paragraph  third. — Of  the  facidties  of  congress. 

Article  72.  Congress  has  the  power:  First.  Of  admitting 
new  States  or  Territories  into  the  federal  union,  incorporating 
them  in  the  nation.  Second.  Of  erecting  Territories  into 
States  when  they  have  a population  of  SO, 000  inhabitants,  and 
are  proved  to  have  the  necessary  elements  for  providing  for  their 
political  existence.  Third.  Of  forming  new  States  within  the 
limits  of  those  existing,  providing,  always,  that  they  have  a popu- 
lation of  80,000  inhabitants,  and  are  proved  to  have  the  necessary 
resources  for  their  political  existence.  In  all  cases  the  legisla- 
tures of  the  States  whose  territory  is  proposed  to  be  taken  shall 
be  heard,  and  their  concurrence  shall  be  necessary,  as  well  as  the 
ratification  of  a majority  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States.  Fourth. 
Of  arranging  definitively  the  limits  of  the  States,  terminating  the 
differences  which  may  arise  between  them  respecting  the  bounda- 
ries of  their  respective  territories,  except  when  these  differences 
have  the  character  of  contentions.  Fifth.  Of  changing  the  resi- 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


dence  of  the  supreme  powers  of  the  federation.  Sixth.  Of  the 
internal  government  of  the  federal  district  and  territories,  upon 
the  basis  that  the  citizens  shall  elect , by  popular  voice , their  po- 
litical, municipal,  and  judicial  authorities,  and  fix  the  taxes 
necessary  to  meet  their  local  expenditures.  Seventh.  Of  approv- 
ing the  federal  estimates  of  expenditures,  which  shall  he  annually 
presented  by  the  executive,  and  of  imposing  the  taxes  necessary 
therefor.  Eighth.  Of  giving  bases  under  which  the  executive 
may  procure  loans  upon  the  faith  of  the  national  credit,  and  of 
approving  said  loans,  and  of  recognizing  and  ordering  the  pay- 
ment of  the  national  debt.  Ninth.  Of  establishing  tariffs  upon 
foreign  commerce,  and  of  removing,  by  means  of  general  laws, 
onerous  restrictions  which  maybe  established  in  the  commerce 
between  different  States.  Tenth.  Of  establishing  general  bases 
for  mercantile  legislation.  Eleventh.  Of  creating  and  suppress- 
ing public  employments  of  the  federation,  and  of  establishing, 
augmenting,  or  diminishing  their  salaries.  Twelfth.  Of  ratifying 
the  appointments  that  may  be  made  by  the  executive  of  ministers, 
diplomatic  agents  and  consuls,  of  the  higher  employees  of  the 
treasury,  and  of  colonels  and  other  higher  officers  in  the  army 
or  national  armed  force.  Thirteenth.  Of  ratifying  the  treaties, 
contracts,  or  diplomatic  conventions  which  the  executive  may 
make.  Fourteenth.  Of  declaring  war  upon  the  facts  which  may 
be  presented  by  the  executive.  Fifteenth.  Of  regulating  the 
mode  in  which  privateers  may  be  licensed  ; of  dictating  laws 
according  to  which  captures  by  sea  or  land  shall  be  declared 
good  or  bad ; and  also  relative  to  maritime  rights  during  peace 
and  war.  Sixteenth.  Of  permitting  or  refusing  the  entry  of 
foreign  troops  into  the  territory  of  the  federation,  and  of  consent- 
ing to  the  station  of  squadrons  of  other  powers  for  more  than  one 
month  in  the  waters  of  the  republic.  Seventeenth.  Of  permit- 
ting the  passage  of  the  national  troops  without  the  limits  of  the 
republic.  Eighteenth.  Of  creating  and  sustaining  the  army  and 
armed  force  of  the  Union,  and  of  regulating  its  organization  and 
service.  Nineteenth.  Of  making  regulations  for  the  purpose  of 
organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  national  guard,  reserv- 
ing to  the  citizens  which  compose  it  the  appointment  of  the 


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297 


commanders  aud  officers,  and  to  tlie  States  tlie  power  of  instruct- 
ing them  in  conformity  with  the  discipline  prescribed  by  said 
regulations.  Twentieth.  Of  giving  its  consent  that  the  executive 
may  order  the  national  guard  without  their  respective  States  or 
Territories,  fixing  the  amount  of  the  force  necessary  to  be  so 
used.  Twenty-first.  Of  making  laws  regarding  naturalization, 
colonization,  and  citizenship.  Twenty-second.  Of  making  laws 
regarding  general  means  of  communication,  and  regarding  the 
post-office  and  mails.  Twenty-third.  Of  establishing  mints, 
prescribing  the  rules  of  their  operation ; of  determining  the 
value  of  foreign  coin,  and  adopting  a general  system  of  weights 
and  measures.  Twenty-fourth.  Of  prescribing  the  rules  under 
which  the  public  land  may  be  occupied  or  sold,  and  the  price  of 
the  same.  Twenty-fifth.  Of  conceding  pardons  for  offences  cog- 
nizable by  the  tribunals  of  the  federation.  Twenty-sixth.  Of 
awarding  rewards  or  recompense  for  eminent  services  rendered  to 
the  country,  or  to  humanity ; and  privileges,  for  a limited  time, 
to  inventors  or  perfectors  of  any  improvement.  Twenty-seventh. 
Of  proroguing,  for  thirty  business  days,  the  first  term  of  its  or- 
dinary sessions.  Twenty-eighth.  Of  forming  rules  for  its  internal 
regulation,  and  for  compelling  the  attendance  of  absent  members, 
and  for  correcting  the  faults  or  omissions  of  those  present. 
Twenty-ninth.  Of  appointing  and  removing  freely  its  secretaries 
and  auditors,  and  of  organizing  these  offices  according  to  law. 
Thirtieth.  Of  making  all  laws  which  may  be  necessary  and 
proper  to  render  effective  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  others 
conceded  by  this  constitution  to  the  powers  of  the  union. 

Paragraph,  fourth. — Of  the  permanent  deputation. 

Article  73.  During  the  recess  of  the  congress  of  the  union, 
there  shall  be  a permanent  deputation,  composed  of  one  deputy 
from  each  State  and  Territory,  who  shall  be  named  by  congress 
on  the  evening  of  the  last  day  of  its  sessions. 

Article  74.  The  powers  of  the  permanent  deputation  are  the 
following : 

First.  To  give  its  consent  to  the  use  of  the  national  guard  in 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  cases  spoken  of  in  article  72,  clause  20.  Second.  To  deter- 
mine by  itself  alone,  or  at  the  petition  of  the  executive,  the  convoca- 
tion of  the  congress  in  extraordinary  session.  Third.  To  approve 
in  the  case  of  appointments,  as  referred  to  in  article  So,  clause  8. 
Fourth.  To  receive  the  oath  of  the  president  of  the  republic,  and 
of  the  ministers  of  the  supreme  court  of  justice,  in  the  cases  pro- 
vided by  this  constitution.  Fifth.  To  report  npon  all  the  busi- 
ness not  disposed  of,  in  order  that  the  session  which  follows  may 
immediately  take  up  such  unfinished  business. 

Section  two. — Of  the  executive  power. 

Article  To.  The  exercise  of  the  supreme  executive  power  of 
the  union  shall  be  deposited  in  one  sole  individual,  who  shall  be 
called  President  of  the  United  Mexican  States. 

Article  76.  The  election  of  president  shall  be  indirect  in  the 
first  grade,  and  by  secret  ballot,  in  such  manner  as  may  be  pre- 
scribed by  the  electoral  law. 

Article  77.  In  order  to  be  president  it  is  required  to  be  a 
citizen  of  the  Mexican  republic  by  birth,  in  the  exercise  of  his 
rights,  to  be  thirty-five  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  election,  not  to 
belong  to  the  ecclesiastical  state , and  to  be  a resident  in  the  country 
at  the  time  the  election  takes  place. 

Article  78.  The  president  shall  enter  upon  the  exercise  of  his 
functions  on  the  first  day  of  December,  and  remain  in  office  four 
years. 

Article  79.  In  temporary  default  of  a president  of  the  repub- 
lic, and  in  the  vacancy  before  the  installation  of  the  newly  elected, 
the  president  of  the  supreme  court  of  justice  shall  enter  upon  the 
exercise  of  the  functions  of  president. 

Article  80.  If  the  default  of  president  be  absolute,  a new 
election  shall  be  proceeded  with,  according  to  the  provisions  of 
article  76,  and  the  one  so  elected  shall  exercise  his  functions  until 
the  last  day  of  November  of  the  fourth  year  following  his 
election. 

Article  81.  The  trust  of  president  can  only  be  resigned  for 
grave  cause,  approved  by  congress,  before  whom  shall  be  pre- 
sented the  resignation. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


299 


Article  82.  If,  from  whatever  reason,  the  election  of  presi- 
dent shall  not  have  been  made  and  published  by  the  1st  of  De- 
cember upon  which  the  change  is  to  take  place,  or  if  the  newly 
elected  is  not  able  to  enter  promptly  upon  the  exercise  of  his 
functions,  the  term  of  the  preceding  president  shall  nevertheless 
cease,  and  the  supreme  executive  power  shall  be  deposited  ad  in- 
terim in  the  president  of  the  supreme  court  of  justice. 

Article  S3.  The  president,  in  taking  possession  of  his  trust, 
shall  swear  before  congress,  and  in  its  recess  before  the  permanent 
deputation,  in  the  following  manner:  “/  swear  to  discharge 
faithfully  arid  patriotically  the  trust  of  President  of  the  United 
Mexican  States  according  to  the  constitution,  and  seeking  in  all 
things  for  the  good  and  prosperity  of  the  union  U 

Article  81.  The  president  cannot  leave  the  residence  of  the 
federal  powers,  nor  the  exercise  of  his  functions,  without  grave 
motive,  approved  by  congress,  or  in  its  recess  by  the  permanent 
deputation. 

Article  85.  The  powers  and  obligations  of  the  president  are 
the  following:  First.  To  promulgate  and  enforce  the  laws  passed 
by  the  congress  of  the  union,  attending  in  the  administrative 
sphere  to  their  exact  observance.  Second.  To  appoint  and  re- 
move freely  secretaries  of  state;  to  remove  diplomatic  agents  and 
superior  employes  of  the  treasury ; and  to  appoint  and  remove 
freely  all  other  federal  officers  whose  appointment  or  removal  is 
not  otherwise  provided  for  in  the  constitution  or  by  the  laws. 
Third.  To  appoint  ministers,  diplomatic  agents,  and  consuls 
general,  with  the  approbation  of  congress,  or  in  its  recess  of  the 
permanent  deputation.  Fourth.  To  appoint,  with  the  approba- 
tion of  congress,  colonels  and  other  high  officers  in  the  army  and 
national  armed  force,  and  the  higher  employes  of  the  treasury. 
Fifth.  To  appoint  all  other  officers  of  the  army  and  national 
navy  according  to  law.  Sixth.  To  dispose  of  the  permanent 
national  armed  force  by  sea  or  by  land  for  the  internal  security 
and  external  defence  of  the  federation.  Seventh.  To  dispose  of 
the  national  guard  for  the  same  objects,  according  to  the  pro- 
visions of  clause  20th  of  article  72.  Eighth.  To  declare  war  in 
the  name  of  the  United  Mexican  States,  after  the  passage  of  the 


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MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


necessary  law  by  the  congress  of  the  union.  Ninth.  To  author- 
ize privateers,  subject  to  the  basis  fixed  by  congress.  Tenth.  To 
direct  diplomatic  negotiations,  and  to  make  treaties  with  foreign 
powers,  submitting  them  to  the  ratification  of  the  federal  con- 
gress. Eleventh.  To  receive  ministers  or  other  envoys  of  foreign 
] towers.  Twelfth.  To  convoke  congress  in  extraordinary  session, 
with  the  consent  of  the  permanent  deputation.  Thirteenth.  To 
extend  to  the  judicial  power  such  assistance  as  may  be  necessary 
for  the  prompt  exercise  of  its  functions.  Fourteenth.  To  open 
all  classes  of  ports,  establish  frontier  and  maritime  custom-houses, 
and  pi’escribe  their  location.  Fifteenth.  To  grant,  in  conformity 
with  the  laws,  pardons  to  criminals  sentenced  for  crimes  cogni- 
zable by  the  federal  tribunals. 

Article  86.  For  the  despatch  of  the  business  of  the  adminis- 
trative departments  of  the  federation,  that  number  of  secretary- 
ships shall  be  appointed  which  may  be  prescribed  by  congress  by 
a law,  which  shall  also  provide  for  the  distribution  of  business, 
and  prescribe  what  shall  be  the  department  of  each  secretary. 

Article  87.  To  be  secretary  of  state  it  is  required  to  be  a 
Mexican  citizen  by  birth,  being  in  the  exercise  of  his  rights,  and 
having  completed  twenty -five  years  of  age. 

Article  88.  All  the  regulations,  decrees,  and  orders  of  the 
president  shall  be  signed  by  the  secretary  of  state  charged  with 
the  branch  to  which  the  business  belongs.  Without  this  requisite 
they  shall  not  be  obeyed. 

Article  89.  The  secretaries  of  state,  immediately  after  the 
opening  of  the  sessions  of  the  first  term,  shall  render  an  account 
to  congress  of  the  state  of  their  respective  departments. 

Section  third. — Of  the  judicial  power. 

Article  90.  The  exercise  of  the  judicial  power  of  the  federa- 
tion shall  be  deposited  in  a supreme  court  of  justice,  and  in  the 
district  and  circuit  courts. 

Article  91.  The  supreme  court  of  justice  shall  be  composed 
of  eleven  judges  proprietary,  four  supremary  judges,  one  attorney 
general,  and  one  solicitor  general. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


301 


Article  92.  Each  one  of  the  individuals  composing  the 
supreme  court  of  justice  shall  hold  office  during  six  years,  and 
their  election  shall  he  indirect  in  the  first  grade,  according  to 
the  terms  prescribed  by  the  electoral  law. 

Article  93.  To  be  eligible  as  a member  of  the  supreme  court 
of  justice,  it  is  required  to  be  instructed  in  the  science  of  law  ac- 
cording to  the  judgment  of  the  election,  to  be  more  than  thirty- 
five  years  of  age,  and  a Mexican  citizen  by  birth,  in  the  exercise 
of  his  rights. 

Article  91.  The  members  of  the  supreme  court  of  justice 
upon  entering  upon  the  exercise  of  their  trust  shall  make  oath 
before  congress,  or,  in  its  recess,  before  the  permanent  deputa- 
tion, in  the  following  manner : “ Do  you  swear  to  discharge 
faithfully  and  patriotically  the  trust  of  magistrate  of  the  supreme 
court  of  justice , conferred  upon  you  by  the  people , in  conformity 
with  llie  constitution , and  seeking  in  all  things  the  good  and 
prosperity  of  the  union  ? ” 

Article  95.  The  duties  of  members  of  the  supreme  court  of 
justice  can  only  be  resigned  for  grave  reason,  approved  by  con- 
gress, to  whom  the  resignation  shall  be  presented;  in  the  recess 
of  congress,  before  the  permanent  deputation. 

Article  9G.  The  law  shall  establish  and  organize  the  circuit 
and  district  courts. 

Article  97.  It  belongs  to  the  federal  tribunals  to  take  co°;ni- 
zance  of : First.  All  controversies  which  may  arise  in  regard  to 
the  fulfilment  and  application  of  the  federal  laws.  Second.  All 
cases  pertaining  to  maritime  law.  Third.  Those  in  which  the 
federation  may  be  a party.  Fourth.  Those  that  may  arise  be- 
tween two  or  more  States.  Fifth.  Those  that  may  arise  between 
a State  and  one  or  more  citizens  of  another  State.  Sixth.  Civil 
or  criminal  cases  that  may  arise  under  treaties  with  foreign 
powers.  Seventh.  Cases  concerning  diplomatic  agents  and  con- 
suls. 

Article  98.  It  belongs  to  the  supreme  court  of  justice  to  take 
cognizance  from  the  first  proceeding  of  controversies  that  may 
arise  between  one  State  and  another,  and  of  those  wherein  the 
union  may  be  a party. 


302 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Article  99.  It  also  belongs  to  the  supreme  court  of  justice  to 
decide  regarding  cases  of  jurisdiction  among  the  federal  courts, 
between  these  and  those  of  the  States,  and  between  those  of  one 
State  and  those  of  another. 

Article  100.  In  the  rest  of  the  cases  comprehended  in  article 
97,  the  supreme  court  of  justice  shall  be  a court  of  appeal,  or 
rather  of  last  resort,  according  to  the  graduation  which  the  law 
may  make  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  circuit  and  district  courts. 

Article  101.  The  tribunals  of  the  federation  shall  decide  all 
questions  that  may  arise  : First.  Under  the  laws  or  acts  of  what- 
ever authority  which  violate  individual  guarantees.  Second. 
Under  the  laws  or  acts  of  the  federal  authorities  which  invade 
or  restrict  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  Third.  Under  the  laws 
or  acts  of  the  States  which  invade  the  exercise  of  the  federal  au- 
thority. 

Article  102.  All  the  decisions  of  which  mention  is  made  in 
the  preceding  article  shall  take  place  on  the  petition  of  the  party 
aggrieved,  and  by  means  of  formal  judicial  proceedings,  as  shall 
be  prescribed  by  law.  The  sentence  shall  be  always  such  as  to 
affect  private  individuals  only,  and  is  intended  as  merely  a pro- 
tection in  the  special  cases  to  which  the  process  refers,  without 
embracing  any  general  declaration  regarding  the  law  or  act  in 
question. 

Title  IY. 

Of  the  responsibility  of  public  functionaries. 

Article  103.  The  deputies  to  the  congress  of  the  union,  the 
members  of  the  supreme  court  of  justice,  and  the  secretaries  of 
state,  shall  beheld  responsible  for  ordinary  offences  which  they 
may  commit  during  their  term  of  office,  as  well  as  the  crimes, 
faults,  or  omissions  of  which  they  may  be  guilty  in  the  exercise  of 
their  trust. 

The  governors  of  the  States  are  also  responsible  for  infractions 
of  the  constitution  and  of  federal  law. 

So  is  also  the  president  of  the  republic  ; but  during  the  term 
of  his  office  he  can  only  be  accused  in  case  of  the  offences  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


303 


treason,  express  violation  of  the  constitution,  attack  upon  the 
electoral  franchise,  and  grave  crimes  against  public  order. 

Article  1(M.  In  case  of  ordinary  crime,  congress,  sitting  as  a 
grand  jury,  shall  declare,  by  an  absolute  majority  of  votes,  if  there 
is  cause  of  proceeding  against  the  accused,  or  not.  If  the  latter, 
no  farther  proceeding  shall  take  place  ; if  the  former,  the  accused 
shall  immediately  he  deprived  of  his  office  and  subjected  to  the 
action  of  the  ordinary  tribunals. 

Article  105.  Official  offences  shall  be  cognizable  by  congress 
as  a jury  of  accusation,  and  the  supreme  court  of  justice  as  a jury 
of  sentence.  The  jury  of  accusation  has  for  its  object  to  declare, 
by  an  absolute  majority  of  votes,  if  the  accused  is  culpable  or  not. 
If  the  declaration  is  favorable,  the  functionary  shall  continue  in 
the  exercise  of  his  trust ; if  it  is  condemnatory,  the  accused  shall 
be  immediately  deprived  of  his  office  and  placed  at  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  supreme  court  of  justice.  This  in  full  court,  and 
sitting  as  a jury  of  sentence,  in  the  presence  of  the  offender,  the 
attorney  general,  and  the  accuser,  if  such  there  should  be,  shall 
proceed  to  apply,  by  an  absolute  majority  of  votes,  the  penalty 
which  the  law  may  have  prescribed. 

Article  100.  After  the  sentence  is  pronounced  of  responsi- 
bility for  official  crime,  no  exercise  of  the  pardoning  power  can 
be  extended  to  the  offender. 

Article  107.  .Responsibility  for  official  crimes  or  errors  only 
maintains  during  the  period  of  occupation  of  office  and  one  year 
thereafter. 

Article  108.  With  reference  to  the  requirements  of  civil  war 
there  shall  be  no  privileged  class,  nor  exemption  for  any  public 
functionary. 

Title  V. 

Of  the  States  of  the  federation. 

Article  109.  The  States  shall  adopt  for  their  interior  regula- 
tion  the  form  of  popular  representative  republican  government. 

Article  110.  The  States  may  arrange  among  themselves,  by 
friendly  agreements,  their  respective  limits,  but  such  arrange- 


304 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


merits  shall  not  go  into  effect  without  the  approbation  of  the 
congress  of  the  union. 

Article  111.  The  States  cannot  in  any  case:  First.  Form  al- 
liances, treaties,  or  coalitions  with  other  States,  nor  with  foreign 
powers,  excepting  the  coalitions  which  maybe  formed  among  the 
frontier  States  for  offensive  or  defensive  war  against  the  Indians. 
Second.  Grant  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal.  Third.  Coin  money, 
or  emit  paper  money,  or  sealed  paper. 

Article  112.  Neither  may  they,  without  the  consent  of  the 
congress  of  the  union : First.  Establish  tonnage  duty,  or  any 
other  port  duty,  nor  impose  contributions  or  duties  upon  impor- 
tations or  exportations.  Second.  Have  at  any  time  permanent 
troops  or  vessels-of-war.  Third.  Make  war  by  itself  upon  any 
foreign  power,  except  in  case  of  invasion  or  such  imminent  peril 
as  admits  of  no  delay.  In  these  cases  immediate  notice  shall  be 
given  to  the  president  of  the  republic. 

Article  113.  Each  State  has  the  obligation  of  delivering, 
without  delay,  the  criminals  of  other  States  to  the  authorities  that 
claim  them. 

Article  114.  The  governors  of  the  States  are  obliged  to  pub- 
lish and  cause  to  be  obeyed  the  federal  laws. 

Article  115.  In  each  State  of  the  federation  entire  faith  and 
credit  shall  he  given  to  the  public  acts,  registers,  and  judicial 
proceedings  of  all  the  others.  Congress  may,  by  means  of  gen- 
eral laws,  prescribe  the  manner  of  proving  these  acts,  registers, 
and  proceedings,  and  their  effects. 

Article  116.  T 'he  powers  of  the  union  shall  protect  the  States 
against  all  invasion  or  exterior  violence.  In  case  of  internal  dis- 
order or  rebellion  they  shall  give  equal  protection,  providing  al- 
ways that  it  be  applied  for  by  the  legislature  of  the  State,  or  by 
the  governor,  if  the  legislature  is  not  in  session. 


Title  YI. 

General  provisions. 

Article  117.  The  powers  which  are  not  expressly  conceded 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


305 


by  this  constitution  to  the  federal  authorities  are  understood  to  be 
reserved  to  the  States. 

Article  118.  No  person  can  at  the  same  time  hold  two  fed- 
eral elective  offices,  but  if  elected  to  two,  he  may  select  between 
them. 

Ajrticle  119.  No  payment  of  money  shall  be  made  that  is  not 
embraced  in  the  fiscal  estimates  or  determined  by  previous  law. 

Article  120.  The  president  of  the  republic,  the  members  of 
the  supreme  court  of  justice,  the  deputies,  and  other  public  offi- 
cers of  the  federation  popularly  chosen,  shall  receive  a compensa- 
tion for  their  services,  which  shall  be  determined  by  law,  and 
paid  by  the  national  treasury.  This  compensation  cannot  be  re- 
nounced, and  any  law  that  augments  or  diminishes  it  shall  not 
have  effect  'during  the  period  for  which  the  functionary  holds  the 
office. 

Article  121.  All  public  functionaries,  without  anxy  exception, 
before  taking  possession  of  their  offices,  shall  swear  to  observe  and 
protect  the  constitution  and  the  laws  that  emanate  from  it. 

Article  122.  In  time  of  peace  no  military  authority  can  ex- 
ercise more  functions  than  are  in  exact  connexion  with  military 
discipline.  There  shall  be  fixed  and  permanent  military  authority 
in  the  castles,  ports,  and  storehouses  which  belong  immediately 
to  the  federal  government,  or  in  encampments,  barracks,  or  de- 
pots which  may  be  established  without  the  towns  for  the  station 
of  troops. 

Article  123.  It  belongs  exclusively  to  the  federal  powers  to 
exercise  in  matters  of  religious  belief  and  discipline  the  interven- 
tion which  7nay  be  prescribed  by  the  laws. 

Article  124.  From  the  first  day  of  June,  185S,  alcabalas  and 
interior  custom-houses  shcdl  be  abolished  in  all  the  republic. 

Article  125.  The  forts,  quarters,  storehouses,  and  other  build- 
ings of  the  government  of  the  union  shall  be  under  the  immediate 
inspection  of  the  federal  authorities. 

Article  126.  1 his  constitution,  the  laws  of  the  congress  of  the 
union  which  emanate  from  it,  and  all  treaties  made  or  that  may 
be  made  by  the  president  of  the  republic  with  the  approbation  of 
congress,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  all  the  union.  The  judges 


20 


306 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  each  State  in  giving  their  decisions  shall  do  so  in  conformity 
with  said  constitution,  laws,  and  treaties,  anything  to  the  contrary 
that  there  may  be  in  the  laws  or  constitution  of  the  States  not- 
withstanding. 


Title  VII. 

Of  the  alterations  of  the  constitution. 

Article  127.  The  present  constitution  may  be  added  to  or 
altered.  In  order  that  additions  or  alterations  may  become  part 
of  the  constitution,  it  is  necessary  that  such  additions  or  altera- 
tions shall  be  approved  of  by  the  congress  of  the  union  by  the 
vote  of  two-thirds  of  those  present,  and  that  they  should  also  be 
approved  by  a majority  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States. 

The  congress  of  the  union  shall  take  account  of  the  votes  of 
the  legislatures  and  the  declaration  that  the  addition  or  altera- 
tion had  been  approved. 


Title  VIII. 

Of  the  inviolability  of  the  constitution. 

Article  128.  This  constitution  shall  not  lose  its  force  and 
vigor  even  if  its  observance  be  interrupted  by  any  rebellion.  In 
case  that , by  means  of  such  an  event , a government  shall  have  been 
established  contrary  to  the  principles  which  it  sanctions , immedi- 
ately upon  the  people  recovering  their  liberty  its  observance  shall 
be  re-established , and  according  to  its  provisions  and  the  laws 
which  have  been  framed  in  virtue  of  it , they  shall  be  judged,  as  well 
those  who  have  figured  in  the  government  emanating  from  the 
rebellion  as  those  who  have  cooperated  with  it. 

Temporary  article. 

This  constitution  shall  be  published  immediately,  and  shall 
be  sworn  to  with  the  greatest  solemnity  in  all  the  republic,  but 
with  the  exception  of  the  dispositions  relative  to  the  election  of 
the  supreme  powers  of  the  federation,  and  of  the  States,  it  shall 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


307 


not  commence  to  have  force  until  the  16tli  day  of  September, 
(1857),  next  ensuing,  when  the  first  constitutional  congress  is  to 
be  installed.  Until  then  the  president  of  the  republic  and  the 
supreme  court  of  justice,  who  are  to  continue  in  exercise  of  their 
functions  until  the  inauguration  of  the  individuals  constitution- 
ally elected,  shall  govern  themselves  in  the  discharge  of  their 
obligations  and  powers  by  the  precepts  of  this  constitution. 

Dated  in  the  hall  of  sessions  of  Congress,  at  Mexico,  the  5th 
day  of  February,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty-seven, 
and  thirty-seventh  of  independence. 

VALENTINE  GOMEZ  FARIAS, 
Deputy  for  the  State  of  Jalisco , President. 

LEON  GUZMAN, 

Deputy  for  the  State  of  Mexico , Vice-President. 

For  the  State  of  Aguas  Calientes,  Manuel  Buenrostro. 

For  the  State  of  Chiapas,  Francisco  Robles,  Matias  Cas- 
tellanos. 

For  the  State  of  Chihuahua,  Jose  E.  Munoz,  Pedro  Ignacio 
Irigoten. 

For  the  State  of  Coahuila,  Simon  de  la  Garza  y Melo. 

For  the  State  of  Durango,  Marcelino  Castaneda,  Francisco 
Zarco. 

For  the  federal  district,  Francisco  de  P.  Condejas,  Jose 
Maria  del  Rio,  Ponciano  Arriaga,  J.  M.  del  Castello  Ve- 
lasco, Manuel  Morales  Puente. 

For  the  State  of  Guanajuato,  Ignacio  Sierra,  Antonio  Le- 
mus,  Jose  de  la  Luz  Rosas,  Juan  Morales,  Antonio  Agua- 
do,  Francisco  P.  Montanez,  Francisco  Guerrero,  Blas  Bal- 
carcel. 

For  the  State  of  Guerrero,  Francisco  Ibarra. 

For  the  State  of  Jalisco,  Espiridion  Moreno,  Mariano  Fa- 
randa,  Jesus  Anaya  y Hermosillo,  Albino  Aranda,  Ignacio 
Louis  Vallarta,  Benito  Gomez  Farias,  Jesus  D.  Rojas,  Igna- 
cio Ochoa  Sanchez,  Guillermo  Langlois,  Joaquin  M.  Degol- 
lado. 

For  the  State  of  Mexico,  Antonio  Escudero,  Jose  L.  Revil- 


308 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


la,  Julian  Estrada,  I.  de  la  Pena  y Bareagan,  Esteban 
Paez,  Kafael  Maria  Villagran,  F.  Fernandez  de  Alfaro, 
Justino  Fernandez,  Eulogio  Barrera,  M.  Romero  Rubio,  Man- 
uel de  la  Pena  y Ramirez,  Manuel  Fernando  Soto. 

For  the  State  of  Miclioacan,  Santos  Degollado,  Sabas  Itur- 
blde,  Francisco  G.  Anaya,  Ramon  I.  Alcaraz,  Francisco  Dias 
Barriga,  Luis  Gutierrez  Correa,  Mariano  Ramirez,  Mateo 
Echaiz. 

For  the  State  of  Nuevo  Leon,  Manuel  P.  de  Llano. 

For  the  State  of  Oajaca,  MaiHano  Z aval  a,  G.  Larazabal, 
Ignacio  Mariscal,  Juan  N.  Cerqueda,  Felix  Romero,  M.  E. 
Goytia. 

For  the  State  of  Puebla,  Miguel  Maria  Arrioja,  Fernando 
M.  Ortega,  Guillermo  Prieto,  J.  Mariano  Viadas,  Francisco 
Banuet,  Manuel  M.  Vargas,  F.  L.  Estrado,  Juan  1ST.  Ibarra, 
Juan  N.  de  la  Parra. 

For  the  State  of  Queretaro,  Ignacio  Reyes. 

For  the  State  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  Francisco  J.  Villalobos, 
Pablo  Tellez. 

For  the  State  of  Sinaloa,  Ignacio  Ramirez. 

For  the  State  of  Sonora,  Benito  Quintana. 

For  the  State  of  Tabasco,  Gregorio  Payro. 

For  the  State  of  Tamaulipas,  Luis  Garcia  de  Arellano. 

For  the  State  of  Tlaxcala,  Jose  Mariano  Sancuez. 

For  the  State  of  Vera  Cruz,  Jose  de  Emparan,  Jose  Maria 
Mata,  Rafael  Gonzalez  Paez,  Mariano  Vega. 

For  the  State  of  Yucatan,  Benito  Quijano,  Francisco  Inies- 
tra,  Pedro  de  Baranda,  Pedro  Contreras  Elizalde. 

For  the  Territory  of  Tehuantepec,  Joaquin  Garcia  Granados. 

For  the  State  of  Zacatecas,  Miguel  Auza,  Agustin  Lopez  de 
Nava,  Basilio  Perez  Gallardo. 

For  the  Territory  of  Lower  California,  Mateo  Ramirez. 

Jose  Maria  Cortes  y Esparza,  for  the  State  of  Guanajuato, 
Deputy  Secretary. 

Isidoro  Olvera,  for  the  State  of  Mexico,  Deputy  Secretary. 

Juan  de  Dios  Arias,  for  the  State  of  Puebla,  Deputy  Secre- 
tary. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


309 


J.  A.  Gamboa,  for  the  State  of  Oajaca,  Deputy  Secretary. 

Wherefore,  I order  that  it  he  printed,  published,  circulated, 
and  that  it  be  fully  complied  with  in  the  terms  which  it  pre- 
scribes. 

Palace  of  the  National  Government,  at  Mexico,  February  12, 
1S57. 

IGNATIO  COMONFORT. 

The  Citizen  Ignatio  de  la  Llave, 

Secretary  of  State  ancl  of  the  Department  of  Government. 

I communicate  it  to  you  for  its  publication  and  fulfilment. 
God  and  liberty. 

LLAVE. 

Mexico,  February  12,  1857. 

On  the  1st  of  December,  General  Comonfort,  having 
been  duly  elected,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  Con- 
gress in  the  city  of  Mexico,  took  the  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution,  and  was  duly  inaugurated  President. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  General  Zuloaga,  acting  in 
the  interest  of  the  Church  party,  and  of  Comonfort  in  his 
attempted  revolutionary  coup  d’etat  and  dictatorship,  pro- 
nounced against  the  Constitution. 

On  the  11th  of  January,  the  same  Zuloaga,  instigated 
by  the  same  clergy,  with  his  famed  “ Zuloaga  Brigade,” 
denounced  and  abandoned  Comonfort ; and  in  less  than  a 
month  from  his  inauguration,  he  was  driven  from  the  Cap- 
ital. The  military  arm  of  the  Church  had  transferred  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  Republic,  from  the  constitution- 
ally elected  President  to  a General,  in  violation  of  the 
provision  of  the  Constitution,  which  devolved  the  vacant 
office  upon  the  Chief-Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  But 
the  Church  and  the  army  had  possession  of  the  capital. 
Comonfort  was  flying  in  one  direction  to  a foreign  land, 
and  Juarez,  Chief- Justice,  with  the  loyal  members  of  the 


310 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Cabinet,  were  hastening  in  another,  to  a place  of  safety,  to 
conserve  and  re-establish  the  Constitutional  Government. 

On  the  22d  of  January,  Zuloaga  convoked  in  the  city 
of  Mexico  a junta  of  twenty-eight  persons  of  his  own 
choice,  who  in  return  nominated  him  as  President  of  the 
Republic. 

The  following  is  a synopsis  of  the  plan  of  Tacubaya 
proclaimed  by  Zuloaga : 

1.  The  inviolability  of  all  church  property  and  church 
revenues,  and  the  reestablishment  of  former  exactions. 

2.  The  reestablishment  of  th efueros  or  special  rights  of  the 
church  and  the  army.  (Under  th  efueros,  the  military  and  clergy 
are  responsible  only  to  their  own  tribunals.) 

3.  The  restoration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  as  the  sole 
and  exclusive  religion  of  Mexico. 

4.  The  censorship  of  the  press. 

5.  The  maintenance  of  a high  tariff,  the  restoration  of  the 
oppressive  system  of  alcavala , or  interior  duties,  and  the  continu- 
ance of  special  monopolies. 

6.  The  exclusive  system  with  regard  to  foreign  immigration, 
confining  it  solely  to  immigrants  from  Catholic  countries. 

7.  The  overthrow  of  the  constitution  of  1857,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  irresponsible  central  dictatorship,  subservient 
solely  to  the  church. 

8.  If  possible,  the  restoration  of  a monarchy  in  Mexico,  or  the 
establishment  of  a European  protectorship. 

Juarez,  with  his  associates,  proceeded  to  Guanajuato, 
and  there  organized  and  established  the  government,  which 
during  the  long  war  of  the  Intervention,  they  so  nobly 
sustained,  and  which  is  to-day  restored  in  the  Capitol. 


PART  VIII. 


THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE. 


In  view  of  the  facts'  and  considerations  which  have 
been  presented  in  this  volume,  it  would  seem  eminently 
desirable  to  recall  the  origin  and  history  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, so  far  as  they  may  serve  to  indicate  the  true  future 
“ Policy  11  which  the  circumstances  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  and  of  Mexico,  demand.  The  interests 
to  be  protected,  belong  not  only  to  the  two  Republics,  but 
to  the  Continent  and  to  the  hemisphere. 

HISTORICAL  SKETCH. 

In  1803,  the  Government  of  Spain  ceded  to  France 
Louisiana  and  the  Floridas,  and  the  territory  West  of  the 
Mississippi.  The  United  States,  under  the  administration 
of  President  Jefferson,  purchased  the  cession. 

In  the  President’s  letter  to  Mr.  Livingston,  our  then 
Minister  in  France,  April  18th,  1802,  he  says: 

“ The  cession  of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  by  Spain 
to  France,  works  most  sorely  on  the  United  States.  On 
this  subject,  the  Secretary  of  State  has  written  to  you 
fully,  yet  I cannot  forbear  recurring  to  it  personally,  so 
deep  is  the  impression  it  makes  on  my  mind.  It  completely 
reverses  all  the  political  relations  of  the  United  States, 
and  will  form  a new  epoch  in  our  political  course.  Of  all 
nations  of  any  consideration,  France  is  the  one  which 
hitherto  has  offered  the  fewest  points  on  which  we  could 


312 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


have  any  conflict  of  right,  and  the  most  points  of  a com- 
munion of  interest.  From  these  causes  we  have  ever 
looked  to  her  as  our  natural  friend , as  one  with  whom  we 
never  could  have  an  occasion  of  difference.  Her  growth, 
therefore,  we  viewed  as  our  own — her  misfortunes,  ours.” 

“There  is  on  the  globe  one  single  spot,  the  possessor  of 
which  is  our  natural  and  habitual  enemy.  It  is  New 
Orleans,  through  which  the  produce  of  three-eighths  of  our 
territory  must  pass  to  market.  * * * France,  placing 

herself  in  that  door,  assumes  to  us  the  attitude  of  defiance. 
* * * France,  placed  in  a point  of  eternal  friction  with 

11s,  * * * renders  it  impossible  that  France  and  the 

United  States  can  long  continue  friends,  when  they  meet 
in  so  irritable  a position.  They,  as  well  as  we,  must  be 
blind  if  they  do  not  see  this ; and  we  must  be  very  impro- 
vident, if  we  do  not  begin  to  make  arrangements  on  that 
hypothesis.” 

“ The  day  that  France  takes  possession  of  New  Orleans, 
fixes  the  sentence  which  is  to  restrain  her  forever  within 
her  low-water  mark.  It  seals  the  union  of  two  nations 
who,  in  conjunction,  can  maintain  exclusive  possession  of 
the  ocean.  From  that  moment,  we  must  marry  ourselves 
to  the  British  fleet  and  nation.  We  must  turn  all  our 
attentions  to  a maritime  force,  for  which  our  resources 
place  us  on  very  high  ground  ; and  having  formed  and 
connected  together  a power,  which  may  render  reinforce- 
ment of  her  settlements  here  impossible  to  France,  make 
the  first  cannon  which  shall  be  fired  in  Europe,  the  signal 
for  tearing  up  any  settlement  she  may  have  made,  and  for 
holding  the  Two  Continents  of  America  in  sequestration, 
for  the  common  purposes  of  the  united  British  and  Ame- 
rican nations.  This  is  not  a state  of  things  we  seek  or 
desire.  It  is  one  which  this  measure,  if  adopted  by  France, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


313 


forces  on  us  ; as  necessarily  as  any  other  cause,  by  the  laws 
of  nature,  brings  on  its  necessary  effect.” 

“It  is  not  from  fear  of  France,  that  we  deprecate  this 
measure  proposed  by  her.  For  however  greater  her  force 
is  than  ours,  compared  in  the  abstract,  it  is  nothing  in 
comparison  of  ours,  when  to  be  exerted  on  our  soil.  But 
it  is  from  a sincere  love  of  peace,  and  a firm  persuasion 
that,  bound  to  France  by  the  interests  and  the  strong 
sympathies  still  existing  in  the  minds  of  our  citizens,  and 
holding  relative  positions  which  insure  their  continuance, 
we  are  secure  of  a long  course  of  peace.  Whereas,  the 
change  of  friends,  which  will  be  rendered  necessary  if 
France  changes  that  position,  embarks  us  necessarily  as  a 
belligerent  power  in  the  first  war  of  Europe.  In  that  case, 
France  will  have  held  possession  of  New  Orleans  during 
the  interval  of  a peace,  long  or  short,  at  the  end  of  which 
•it  will  be  wrested  from  her.  Will  this  short-lived  posses- 
sion have  been  an  equivalent  to  her  for  the  transfer  of  such 
a weight  into  the  scale  of  her  enemy?  Will  not  the 
amalgamation  of  a young  thriving  nation  continue  to  that 
enemy,  the  health  and  force,  which  are  at  present  so  evi- 
dently on  the  decline  ? And  will  a few  years’  possession 
of  New  Orleans  add  equally  to  the  strength  of  France? 
She  may  say,  she  needs  Louisiana  for  the  supply  of  her 
West  Indies.  She  does  not  need  it  in  time  of  peace,  and 
in  war  she  could  not  depend  on  them,  because  they  would 
be  so  easily  intercepted.” 

“ I should  suppose  that  all  these  considerations  might,  in 
some  proper  form,  be  brought  into  view  of  the  government 
of  France.  Though  stated  by  us,  it  ought  not  to  give  of- 
fence, because  we  do  not  bring  them  forward  as  a menace, 
but  as  consequences  not  controllable  by  us,  but  inevitable 
from  the  course  of  things.  We  mention  them,  not  as 


314 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


things  which  we  desire  by  any  means,  but  as  things  we 
deprecate  ; and  we  beseech  a friend  to  look  forward  and 
prevent  them  for  our  common  interests.” 

“ I have  no  doubt  you  have  urged  these  considerations, 
on  every  proper  occasion,  with  the  government  where  you 
are.  They  are  such  as  must  have  etfect,  if  you  can  find 
means  of  producing  thorough  reflection  on  them  by  that 
government.”  * * * 

“ Every  eye  in  the  United  States  is  now  fixed  on  the  affairs 
of  Louisiana.  Perhaps  nothing,  since  the  Revolutionari- 
War,  has  produced  more  uneasy  sensations  throughout  the 
body  of  the  nation.  Notwithstanding  temporary  bickerings 
with  France,  she  has  still  a strong  hold  on.  the  affections 
of  our  citizens  generally.” 

“ I have  thought  it  not  amiss,  by  way  of  supplement  to 
the  letters  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  write  you  this  pri- 
vate one,  to  impress  you  with  the  importance  we  affix  to- 
this  transaction.” 

Subsequently,  in  another  letter  addressed  to  M.  de 
Nemours,  enclosing  the  above  for  his  perusal,  he  wrote  as 
follows  : 

“I  wish  you  to  be  possessed  of  the  subject,  because 
you  may  be  able  to  impress  upon  the  government  of 
France  the  inevitable  consequence  of  their  taking  posses- 
sion of  Louisiana.  * * * I believe  that  this  measure  will 
cost  France,  and  perhaps  not  very  long  hence,  a war  which 
will  annihilate  her  on  the  ocean,  and  place  that  element 
under  the  despotism  of  two  nations,  which  I am  not  re- 
conciled to  the  more  because  my  own  would  be  one  of 
them.  Add  to  this  the  exclusive  appropriation  of  both 
continents  of  America,  as  a consequence.” 

“ I wish  the  present  order  of  things  to  continue,  and 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


315 


with  a view  to  this,  I value  highly  a state  of  friendship 
between  France  and  us.  You  know  too  well  how  sincere 
I have  ever  been  in  these  dispositions,  to  doubt  them. 
You  know,  too,  how  much  I value  peace,  and  how  unwill- 
ingly I should  see  any  event  take  place,  which  would  ren- 
der war  a necessary  resource,  and  that  all  our  movements 
should  change  their  character  and  object.” 

“ I am  thus  open  with  you,  because  I trust  that  you  will 
have  it  in  your  power  to  impress  on  that  government  con- 
siderations, in  the  scale  against  which,  the  possession  of 
Louisiana  is  nothing.” 

“ In  Europe,  nothing  but  Europe  is  seen,  or  supposed  to 
have  any  right  in  the  affairs  of  nations ; but  this  little 
event  of  France  possessing  herself  of  Louisiana,  which  is 
thrown  in  as  nothing — as  a mere  make-weight  in  the 
general  settlement  of  accounts — this  speck  which  now  ap- 
pears as  an  almost  invisible  point  in  the  horizon,  is  the 
embryo  of  a tornado,  which  will  burst  on  the  countries  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  and  involve  in  its  effects  their 
highest  destinies.  That  it  may  yet  be  avoided  is  my 
sincere  prayer,  and  if  you  can  be  the  means  of  informing 
the  wisdom  of  Bonaparte  of  all  its  consequences,  you  have 
deserved  well  of  both  countries.  Peace  and  abstinence 
from  European  interferences  are  our  objects,  and  so  will 
continue,  while  the  present  order  of  things  in  America  re^ 
mains  undisturbed.” 

October  10,  1802,  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  to  Mr.  Livino-- 
ston  again  in  answer  to  a letter  from  him,  before  he  had 
received  the  previous  letter  of  April  18th,  thus  : 

“It  is  well  to  inform  you,  generally,  that  we  stand 
completely  corrected  of  the  error  that  either  the  government 
or  the  nation  of  France  has  any  remains  of  friendship  for 


316 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


us.  The  portion  of  that  country  which  forms  an  excep- 
tion, though  respectable  in  weight,  is  -weak  in  numbers. 
On  the  contrary,  it  appears  evident  that  an  unfriendly 
spirit  prevails  in  the  most  important  individuals  of  the 
government  towards  us.”  * * * 

In  January,  1803,  Mr.  Jefferson  sent  Mr.  Monroe  “ as 
Minister  Extraordinary,  to  be  joined  with  the  ordinary 
one,”  “ with  discretionary  powers,  first,  however,  well  im- 
pressed with  all  our  views,  and  therefore  qualified  to 
meet  and  modify  to  these,  every  form  of  proposition  which 
could  come  from  the  other  party.  This  could  be  done 
only  in  full  and  frequent  oral  communications.  * * * All 
eyes,  all  hopes  are  now  fixed  on  you.”  * * * 

In  April,  1803,  France  ceded  the  entire  'province  of 
Louisiana  to  the  United  States,  for  “ 60,000,000  of 
francs,”  and  “ certain  considerations  in  favor  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Province,  and  certain  commercial  privileges 
secured  to  France.” 

On  the  completion  of  this  sale,  Bonaparte  is  said  to 
have  exclaimed,  “ This  accession  of  territory  strengthens 
forever  the  power  of  the  United  States  ; I have  just  given 
to  England  a maritime  rival  that  will  sooner  or  later 
humble  her  pride.” 

Louisiana  had  a coast-line  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  of 
1,256  miles.  The  Islands  belonging  to  the  State  had  a 
coast-line  of  994  miles,  while  the  Mississippi  river  bounded 
or  traversed  in  its  course  800  miles  of  the  territory. 

The  cession  of  France  covered  all  the  territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi,  as  far  north  as  the  British  possessions 
(except  small  portions  occupied  by  Spain),  including  Ar- 
kansas, Missouri,  Iowa,  most  of  Minnesota,  Nebraska, 
Kansas,  and  the  Indian  Territories. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


317 


Origin  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

October  29th,  1808,  President  Jefferson  wrote  to  the 
Governor  of  Louisiana : 

“ The  Patriots  of  Spain  have  no  warmer  friends  than 
the  administration  of  the  United  States  ; but  it  is  our  duty 
to  say  nothing,  and  to  do  nothing,  for  or  against  either. 

If  they  succeed,  we  shall  be  well  satisfied  to  see  Cuba  and 
Mexico  remain  in  their  present  dependence  ; but  very  un- 
willing to  see  them  in  that  of  either  France  or  England , 
‘politically  or  commercially.  We  consider  their  interests 
and  ours  as  the  same , and  that  the  object  of  both  must  be 
to  EXCLUDE  ALL  EUROPEAN-  INFLUENCE  FROM  THIS  HEMI- 
SPHERE.” 

August  4th,  1820,  Ex-President  Jefferson  wrote  to 
Mr.  William  Short  as  follow;? : 

“From  many  conversations  with  him”  (M.  Correa, 
appointed  Minister  to  Brazil  by  the  Government  of  Por- 
tugal), “ I hope  he  sees,  and  will  promote  in  his  new 
situation,  the  advantages  of  a cordial  fraternization  among 
all  the  American  nations,  and  the  importance  of  their 
coalescing  in  an  American  System  of  Policy,  totally 
independent  of,  and  unconnected  with  that  of  Europe. 
The  day  is  not  distant  when  we  may  formally  require  a ' 
meridian  of  partition  through  the  ocean  which  separates 
the  two  hemispheres,  on  the  hither  side  of  which  no  Euro- 
pean gun  shall  ever  be  heard,  nor  an  American  on  the 
other ; and  when,  during  the  rage  of  the  eternal  wars  of 
Europe,  the  lion  and  the  lamb,  within  our  regions,  shall 
lie  down  together  in  peace.”  * * * 

“The  principles  of  society  there  and  here,  then,  are 
radically  different,  and  I hope  no  American  patriot  will 


318 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ever  lose  sight  of  the  essential  policy  of  interdicting,  on  the 
seas  and  territories  of  both  Americas,  the  ferocious  and 
sanguinary  contests  of  Europe.  I wish  to  see  this  coali- 
tion begun.” 

In  subsequent  letters  to  President  Monroe,  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son expressed  the  following  sentiments  : 

I have  ever  deemed  it  fundamental  for  the  United 
States,  never  to  take  active  part  in  the  quarrels  of  Eu- 
rope.” 

As  late  as  October,  1823,  he  wrote  to  the  President 
thus : 

“ The  question  presented  by  the  letters  you  have  sent 
me  is  the  most  momentous  which  has  ever  been  offered 
to  my  contemplation  since  that  of  Independence.”  * * * 

“ Our  first  and  fundamental  maxim  should  be,  never 
to  entangle  ourselves  in  the  broils  of  Europe  ; our  second, 
never  to  suffer  Europe  to  meddle  with  cis- Atlantic  af- 
fairs. America,  North  and  South,  has  a set  of  interests 
distinct  from  those  of  Europe,  and  peculiarly  her  own. 
She  should  therefore  have  a system  of  her  own , separate 
and  apart  from  that  of  Europe.”  * * * “ The  war  in 

which  the  present  proposition  might  engage  us  (the  pro- 
posed intervention  of  the  Holy  Alliance  in  the  affairs  of 
the  South  American  Colonies)  is  not  her  war,  but  ours. 
Its  object  is  to  introduce  and  establish  the  American  sys- 
tem, of  keeping  out  of  our  land  all  Foreign  powers, — of 
never  permitting  those  of  Europe  to  intermeddle  with  the 
affairs  of  our  nations.  It  is  to  maintain  our  principle, 
not  to  depart  from  it.”  * * * * 

“ I could  honestly  join  in  the  declaration  proposed, 
that  we  aim  not  at  the  acquisition  of  any  of  those  posses- 
sions ; * * * hut  that  we  will  oppose , with  all  our  means , 
the  forcible  interposition  of  any  other  power , as  auxiliary , 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


319 


stipendiary,  or  under  any  other  form  or  pretext , — and 
most  especially , their  transfer  to  any  power,  by  conquest , 
cession,  or  acquisition  in  any  other  way." 

All  the  foregoing  acts  and  sentiments  were  followed  by 
President  Monroe’s  proclamation,  in  his  message  to  Con- 
gress, December  2d,  1823,  declaring  that, 

‘“Any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  European  powers  to 
‘ extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere,’ 
would  be  regarded  by  the  United  States  as  ‘ dangerous  to 
our  peace  and  safety,’  and  would  accordingly  be  opposed ; 
— a platform  of  principle  upon  this  important  subject, 
which  has  been  approved  by  the  prominent  statesmen  of 
the  country,  from  the  day  of  its  proclamation  to  the  pres- 
ent time.” 

Such  was  the  origin  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  it  is 
sufficiently  conclusive  as  to  the  early  purpose  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  Republic,  to  hold  our  country  and  our  continent 
forever  exempt  from  European  interference  in  any  of  the 
institutions,  political,  civil,  or  religious,  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  the  American  Continent. 

The  last  expression  by  the  Executive,  of  the  senti- 
ments of  the  Government  and  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  on  this  subject,  was  made  by  President  Johnson, 
in  his  message  in  1865,  as  follows : “ From  the  moment 
of  the  establishment  of  our  free  institutions,  the  civilized 
world  has  been  convulsed  by  revolutions  in  the  interest  of 
democracy  or  of  monarchy ; but,  through  all  these  revo- 
lutions, the  United  States  have  wisely  and  firmly  refused 
to  become  the  propagandists  of  Republicanism.” 

“ It  is  the  only  government  suited  to  our  condition  ; 
but  we  have  never  sought  to  impose  it  upon  others  ; and 
we  have  consistently  followed  the  advice  of  Washington, 


320 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


to  recommend  it  only  by  the  careful  preservation  and 
prudent  use  of  the  blessing.” 

“ During  all  the  intervening  period,  the  policy  of  the 
European  powers,  and  of  the  United  States  has,  on  the 
whole,  been  harmonious.  Twice,  indeed,  rumors  of  the 
invasion  of  some  parts  of  America  in  the  interest  of  mon- 
archy have  prevailed  ; twice  my  predecessors  have  had 
occasion  to  announce  the  views  of  this  nation  in  respect 
to  such  interference.  On  both  occasions,  the  remonstrance 
of  the  the  United  States  was  respected,  from  a deep  con- 
viction on  the  part  of  European  Governments,  that  the 
system  of  non-interference,  and  mutual  abstinence  from 
propagandism,  was  the  true  rule  for  both  hemispheres.” 

“ Since  these  times,  wre  have  advanced  in  wealth  and 
power ; but  we  retain  the  same  purpose,  to  leave  the 
nations  of  Europe  to  choose  their  own  dynasties,  and  form 
their  own  svsteins  of  government.” 

“ This  consistent  moderation  may  justly  demand  a cor- 
responding moderation.  We  should  regard  it  a great 
calamity  to  ourselves , to  the  cause  of  good  government , and 
to » the  peace  of  the  world , should  any  European  power 
challenge  the  American  people , as  it  were , to  the  defence  of 
Republicanism  against  foreign  interference.  We  cannot 
foresee,  and  are  unwilling  to  consider  what  opportunities 
might  present,  what  combinations  might  offer  for  our  pro- 
tection against  designs  inimical  to  our  form  of  government.” 
“ The  United  States  desire  to  act  in  the  future  as  they 
have  ever  acted  heretofore.  They  never  will  be  driven 
from  that  course  but  by  the  aggression  of  the  European 
powers.  And  we  rely  on  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  those 
powers,  to  respect  the  system  of  non-interference  which 
has  so  long  been  sanctioned  by  time,  and  which  by  its 
good  results  has  approved  itself  to  both  Continents.” 


PART  IX. 


INTEROCEAXIC  TRANSITS ; THEIR  POLITICAL  HISTORY-EFFORTS  OF 
SPAIN,  ENGLAND,  FRANCE,  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  GREAT  QUESTIONS  OF  THE  WESTERN  HEMISPHERE.  ' 

The  great  Republic,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1869,  will 
enter  upon  a new  era  in  its  history.  It  has  passed  through 
all  the  various  stages,  phases,  and  struggles  of  youth,  and 
has  survived  the  doubts  and  fears  of  friends  at  home,  and 
all  the  hatred  and  hostility  of  its  foes  abroad.  The  last  great 
crisis  is  over.  The  transition  period  is  fast  passing  away. 
Trial  has  tested  its  virtues  and  strength.  It  has  been  in 
the  red-hot  crucible,  and  comes  out  “ silver  and  gold.” 

Three  great  questions,  vitally  affecting  the  interests  of 
modern  civilization,  have  been  settled,  at  least  for  our 
country  and  our  Continent : 

1.  Rational  organic  independence  and  the  sovereignty  of  the 

people.  ' 

2.  Individual  liberty  and  civil  rights. 

3.  Religious  freedom. 

Bunker  Hill  and  its  sequiturs  settled  the  first ; Appomattox 
Court  House  and  its  antecedents  the  second  ; and  the  last  depart- 
ing squadron  of  the  intervention  left  the  third,  in  final  settlement 
with  Juarez  and  his  compatriots  in  Mexico. 

These  three,  involving  the  fundamental  truths  and 
principles,  the  great  American  ideas  that  underlie  the 
whole  political,  civil,  and  religious  institutions  of  the  Re- 
public, concern  essentially  its  internal  progress  and  wel- 
21 


322 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


fare.  In  symmetry  and  strength  they  constitute  the  root, 
the  trunk,  and  the  fruit  of  our  “ tree  of  liberty  ” at  home. 

There  is  another,  not  less  important  question,  that  now 
arises,  and  is  looming  up  over  land  and  sea.  It  touches 
both  the  inmost  heart  and  life  of  the  Republic,  and  is 
equally  vital  in  respect  to  its  influence  and  mission  abroad 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  It  challenges  the  attention 
of  every  American.  It  has  for  half  a century  engaged 
the  most  earnest  attention  of  the  “ Great  Powers  v of  the 
other  hemisphere,  and  concerns  the  welfare  of  all  man- 
kind. The  question  involves  the  attitude  the  Republic 
should  assume  among  the  family  of  nations,  the  position  it 
should  take  and  the  voice  it  should  have,  in  respect  to 
those  great  international  interests  and  measures,  which 
affect  the  commerce  and  the  civilization  of  the  world. 

All  nations  are  now  neighbors,  and  have  certain  com- 
mon interests  in  the  great  trunk  lines  of  communication 
and  commerce  around  the  world.  Among  these,  are  the 
two  great  continental  isthmus  transits,  that  lie  in  the  great 
highway  of  all  maritime  and  commercial  nations.  The 
narrow  necks  of  land  that  divide  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
and  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  American  isthmus  connect- 
in  o-  North  and  South  Amerca,  lie  as  near  as  mav  be  in 
the  circle,  that  describes  the  commercial  equator  of 
our  sphere.  The  trunk  lines  of  commerce  that  traverse 
the  oceans,  cross  the  Continents  at  these  points.  All  na- 
tions have  an  interest  in  these  transits,  and  they  should  be 
opened,  not  in  the  exclusive  interest  nor  under  the  undue 
control  of  any  one  government,  however  strong,  or  any  terri- 
tory, that  may  chance  to  hold  the  position  or  the  power 
to  claim  an  ascendency  over  them.  They  belong  to  all 
mankind. 

There  is  a right  of  eminent  domain  that  attaches  to  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


323 


family  of  nations.  That  right  which  cats  a canal  or 
stretches  a railroad  across  a State  or  a Continent,  through 
any  man’s  farm  or  house,  belongs  a fortiori  to  the  nations, 
to  make  a way  and  a highway  anywhere  on  the  earth,  that 
the  common  interests  of  humanity  demand.  No  principle 
of  political  economy  is  more  plain.  As  well  might  Spain 
and  Morocco  claim  the  passage  of  Gibraltar,  or  England 
and  France  the  straits  of  Dover,  as  any  other  nation  claim 
the  monopoly  of  a transit,  on  sea  or  land,  that  the  great 
Creator  designed  for  the  whole  family  of  man.  Why 
should  the  Bosphorus,  any  more  than  Gibraltar,  be  shut 
out  from  the  unrestricted  transit  to  the  seas  ? Why  should 
Russia,  Prussia,  Holland,  and  the  United  States  have  no 
voice  in  the  opening  and  direction  of  the  transit  to  the 
commerce  of  Asia?  Why  should  England  and  France 
hold  the  right  of  way,  for  canal  and  railroad,  and  have 
virtual  control  over  the  great  gates  of  the  East  % 

THE  GREAT  “ EASTERN  ” QUESTION. 

The  struggle  of  the  century  in  Europe  has  been  for  the 
commerce  of  the  Orient.  England,  Russia,  and  France 
have  ever  been  at  cross  purposes  in  the  Levant.  They 
have  never  been  able  to  agree  in  adjusting  their  respective 
claims.  The  Eagle,  the  Lion,  and  the  Bear,  with  mutual 
jealousies  have  guarded  the  passage,  which  neither  is  will- 
ing the  other  should  enjoy.  The  question  will  yet  arise, 
whether  the  Suez  Canal  and  the  Euphrates  Valley  Railway, 
or  some  other  track  shorter  and  more  direct,  from  the  Medi- 
terranean to  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates,  should  not  be 
opened  to  all  the  world,  on  a scale  commensurate  with  the 
wants  and  the  enterprises  of  our  century,  and  under  the  pro- 
tection and  control  of  some  kind  of  international  commission, 
charged  with  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  all  nations. 


324 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


THE  GREAT  “ WESTERN  ” QUESTION. 

The  transit  of  the  American  isthmus  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific,  bv  canal  and  railroad,  has  also  engaged  for 
centuries  the  attention  of  mankind.  Where,  when,  and 
how  shall  these  waters  be  joined,  the  gateways  be  open- 
ed on  a scale  equal  to  the  wants  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
America  ? 

The  question  has  received  far  more  the  attention  of 
European  governments  than  it  has  that  of  our  own.  The 
following  brief  historical  sketch  may  give  some  idea  of 
the  importance  attached  to  this  subject  by  transatlantic 
powers,  and  of  the  political  and  commercial  aspects  in 
which  it  has  been  viewed. 

Since  the  sixteenth  century,  this  American  isthmus 
section  has  occupied  the  attention  of  the  great  Powers  of 
Europe.  The  most  eminent  statesmen  have  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  subject.  Jefferson  and  Pitt  in  the  last  cen- 
tury, the  successive  ministers  of  the  British  government, 
Louis  Philippe,  Louis  Napoleon,  and  their  unrivalled  corps 
of  engineers,  Pope  Pio  Nono,  the  scivans  of  Europe  (Hum- 
boldt and  others),  and  the  late  administrations  of  our 
government — Everett,  Marcy,  Webster,  and  Clay — have 
directed  to  it  the  most  marked  public  and  official  attention. 
Many  treaties  and  concessions  have  been  made  by  the 
different  governments  of  Mexico  and  of  Central  America, 
with  a view  to  secure  to  foreign  governments,  or  to  com- 
panies or  individuals,  at  home  or  abroad,  some  exclusive 
rights  or  privileges  over  the  great  highway. 

PROPOSED  ROUTES  FOR  CANALS  AND  RAILROADS. 

There  have  been  at  least  nineteen  different  routes  pro- 
posed for  interoceanic  communication  between  the  waters 
of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  ocean — by 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


325 


CANALS. 

First — The  Tehuantepec  route,  by  the  Coatzacoalco  river  and 
the  bay  of  La  Yentosa. 

Second — The  Honduras  route,  between  that  bay  and  the  bay 
of  Fonseca. 

Third — The  eight  Nicaragua  routes — 1.  By  the  river  San 
Carlos  direct  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  2 to  5.  Four  routes,  through 
the  lake  Nicaragua,  by  the  several  rivers  connecting  the  lake  with 
the  Pacific  Ocean — the  Nino,  the  Sapoa,  the  San  Juan  del  Sur,  and 
the  Brito.  5 to  8.  The  three  routes  by  Lake  Managua,  viz.,  by 
the  river  Tamarinda,  by  the  city  of  Leon  and  the  port  Bealejo, 
and  by  the  bay  of  Fonseca. 

Fourth — The  four  Panama  routes — 1.  By  the  river  Chagres 
and  Panama.  2.  By  the  way  of  Trinidad  and  Caymito.  3.  By 
Navy  bay  and  the  rivers  Chagres,  Bonito,  and  Bernardo.  J.  By 
the  Gulf  of  San  Bias  and  the  river  Cliepo. 

Fifth — The  two  Darien  routes — 1.  By  the  Bay  of  Caledonia 
and  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel.  2.  By  the  rivers  Argina,  Paya, 
Tuyra,  and  the  Gulf  of  San  Miguel. 

Sixth — -The  three  Atrato  routes — 1.  By  the  river  Napipi  and 
Cupica  bay.  2.  By  the  Truando  to  Kelley’s  inlet.  3.  By  the 
Atrato  river. 

There  have  been  at  least  seven  different  projects  for 
communication  by 

RAILROADS. 

First — The  Tehuantepec  route,  by  the  Coatzacoalco. 

Second — The  Honduras  to  the  Gulf  of  Fonseca. 

Third — The  Nicaragua. 

Fourth — The  Chiriqui  to  the  Dulce  Gulf. 

Fifth — The  Panama,  in  operation. 

Sixth — The  Gorgon  bay  and  Bealejo. 

Seventh — The  Gorgon  bay  and  San  Juan  del  Sur. 

These  all  have  received  more  or  less  attention,  and 
have  had  their  respective  projectors  and  advocates.  The 
idea  of  a canal  between  the  oceans  has  roused  the  imagi- 
nation  of  many  minds.  A great  variety  of  projects  have 


326 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


been  put  forward  from  time  to  time,  some  of  the  more  im- 
portant of  which  are  as  follows.  There  are  men  who 
have  devoted  time,  labor,  and  money  to  these  two  great 
enterprises  on  behalf  of  our  country,  that  entitle  them  to 
honor  and  gratitude  from  all  true  Americans. 

THE  DECREE  OF  THE  SPANISH  CORTES 1814. 

In  1814  the  Spanish  Cortes,  with  such  information  as 
they  possessed,  passed  a decree  authorizing  the  opening  of 
a canal  across  Tehuantepec.  The  revolutions  and  contests 
in  Spain  and  in  Mexico,  however,  absorbed  all  the  atten- 
tion of  both  governments  for  many  years  in  other  things. 

AN  ENGLISH  ASSOCIATION — 1825. 

In  1825  an  association  was  formed  in  London  for  the 
purpose  of  cutting  a ship  canal  across  the  isthmus  of 
America. 

R.  B.  Pitman  published  a volume  of  230  pages,  12mo, 
giving  an  analysis  of  all  the  information  then  extant  in 
regard  to  the  subject.  He  quoted  from  Dampier  and 
Wafer  in  1681  ; Sharp  and  Funnel  in  1703  ; DeUlloa  in 
1726  ; Edwards  in  1799  ; Humboldt  in  1803  ; Walton 
in  1817  ; Robinson  in  1820;  Hall  in  1822;  and  Purdy 
in  1824  ; and  cited  the  remark  of  Humboldt,  that  “ there 
was  no  paper  11  at  that  date  “ to  throw  light  on  the  possi- 
bility of  cutting  a canal  across  the  isthmus  of  America.” 
The  work  contains  a map  and  a description  of  the  five 
routes  that  had  been  then  suggested — the  Tehuantepec,  the 
Nicaragua,  the  Panama,  the  Darien,  and  the  Atrato. 

The  author  says,  “ It  is  especially  within  the  obliga- 
tions and  the  power  of  Great  Britain  to  investigate  the 
subject  impartially,  and,  if  practicable,  to  accomplish  an 
improvement  which  is  pre-eminently  benefiting  herself,  and 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


327 


would  confer  inestimable  advantages  upon  the  rest  of  the 
world,”  and  suggests  “ a convention,  under  the  mediation 
of  the  British  government,  with  all  other  maritime  nations, 
by  which  war  and  its  hideous  consequences  should,  by 
common  consent,  be  forever  excluded  from  that  one  spot 
on  the  earth’s  surface,  which  appears  destined  by  nature  to 
be  the  heart  of  the  commerce  of  the  world.” 

SPIRIT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PRESS 1846. 

The  London  Spectator , September  19,  1846,  contained 
the  following  article  : A railroad,  or  even  a good  common 
road,  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  would  be  an  invalua- 
ble boon  to  the  country  through  which  it  passed,  and 
would  not  be  devoid  of  utility  to  commerce  ; but  it  would 
be  immeasurably  inferior  in  importance  to  a ship  canal  be- 
tween the  two  oceans,  and  would  by  no  means  supersede 
the  necessity  for  that  grand  highway  for  the  navigation  of 
the  world.  * * * What  is  wanted  is  a maritime  chan- 

nel, which  shall  enable  merchant  vessels  of  the  largest 
class  to  avoid  the  expense,  danger,  and  loss  of  time  inci- 
dent to  doubling  Cape  Horn,  and  to  pass  from  ocean  to 
ocean  without  discharging  their  cargoes,  or  being  delayed 
more  than  two  or  three  days  in  the  Isthmus.  It  would 
be  fortunate  if  such  a canal  could  be  cut  through  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama  (proper),  which  is  but  forty-one  miles. 
But  the  impossibility  of  doing  this  has  been  fully  proved 
by  M.  Gavella,  an  engineer  who  surveyed  the  isthmus  by 
order  of  the  French  government,  and  the  result  of  whose 
investigations  was  published  in  the  Journal  des  Debats 
January  15,  1846. 

To  say  nothing  of  the  want  of  sufficient  harbors  at 
either  end  of  the  canal  in  this  locality,  a tunnel  would  be 
requisite  capable  of  giving  passage  to  ships  of  1,200  tons 


328 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


burden,  with  their  lower  masts  standing.  It  would  have 
to  be  cut  through  a solid  porphyry  rock.  Its  dimensions 
would  be  about  eight  times  those  of  the  box  tunnel,  and 
the  cost  of  excavating  it,  estimated  by  M.  Gavella  at 
<£2,000,000,  would  probably  fall  not  far  short  of  five  times 
that  amount. 

Scarcely  a doubt  remains,  that  the  most  eligible  locality 
for  the  proposed  work  is  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  in 
the  Mexican  territory.  It  is  true  the  land  is  much  wider 
here  than  at  points  further  south,  but  it  presents,  in  the 
table  land  of  Tarifa,  the  only  gap  as  yet  discovered  in  the 
granite  chain  that  extends  from  Behring’s  Straits  to  Terra 
del  Fuego. 

The  total  breadth  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehauntepec  is  140 
miles,  but  the  greater  part  of  this  space  is  occupied  on  the 
south  by  lagoons,  which  could  be  easily  converted  into  a 
commodious  harbor.  On  the  north  is  the  Ooatzacoalco, 
a river  of  great  volume,  admitting  the  largest  vessels  at 
all  seasons  of  the  year,  to  a distance  of  thirty-five  miles 
from  its  mouth,  latitude  18  deg.  8 min.  north,  and  is 
capable  of  being  made  navigable  twenty-five  miles  further. 
The  canal  to  be  excavated  would  therefore  be  but  fifty 
miles  long.  The  highest  point  to  be  surmounted  is  206 
metres  (218  yards)  above  the  level  of  the  Pacific,  and  160 
above  the  Atlantic.  The  ascent  and  descent  would  be 
effected  by  means  of  150  locks.  Water  for  feeding  the 
canal  can  be  had  in  abundance  at  the  summit  level.  The 
Mexican  government  has  assigned  to  the  projector  of  the 
canal,  Don  Jose  Garay,  the  fee  simple  of  nearly  5,000,000 
of  acres  in  the  Isthmus,  together  with  the  privilege  of 
establishing  colonies  over  a breadth  of  fifty  leagues  on 
either  side  of  the  canal. 

The  foreign  colonies  are  to  enjoy  all  requisite  immu- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


329 


nities,  and  even  the  right  of  working  the  virgin  mines  which 
are  known  to  exist  on  its  surface.  The  Isthmus  is  known 
to  possess  a fine,  salubrious  climate,  and  in  many  places 
a most  fruitful  soil.  Timber  for  shipbuilding,  dye-wood, 
mahogany  and  other  fine-grained  trees  are  to  be  had  in 
profusion  in  the  forests  of  Coatzacoalco.  The  supply  of 
animal  food  is  inexhaustible,  and  nature  has  neglected 
nothing,  that  could  mark  out  this  region  as  one  of  the  most 
eligible  for  colonization  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  Hence 
arises  one  of  the  most  striking  advantages,  which  this 
scheme  we  have  been  considering,  possesses  over  all  its 
rivals.  It  would  not  be  necessary  to  encounter  at  once 
the  cost  and  risk  of  excavating  the  canal.  All  that  is 
requisite,  in  the  first  instance,  is  to  transport  to  the  spot 
an  industrious  and  well-disciplined  population,  who,  after 
completing  a temporary  communication  between  the  ocean, 
would  develop  the  immense  resources  of  the  country,  and 
draw  from  them,  the  means  of  completing  the  grand  de- 
sign. There  are  political  circumstances  to  which,  for  the 
present,  we  can  do  no  more  than  allude,  but  which  call  for 
the  establishment  in  Tehuantepec  of  a well-organized 
colony  under  the  protection  of  England  and  France,  as  a 
matter  of  vital  importance  to  Mexico,  and  of  proportionate 
interest  to  the  allies. 

See  account  of  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  &c.,  based 
on  the  reports  of  Don  Jose  Garay,  London,  1846. 

The  Spectator  adds : “ The  feasibility  of  cutting 
through  this  neck  of  land  that  unites  the  two  continents 
of  America  has  been  so  long  talked  of,  and  only  talked  of, 
that  men  begin  to  doubt  it.  * " * But  the  thing  will 

be  done,  and  done  probably  at  no  distant  day.  * * Our 

age  is  remarkable  for  the  boldness  with  which  it  wages  war 
against  all  obstacles  of  time  and  space.” 


330 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Thus  early  appears  the  proposed  alliance  of  European 
monarchies  for  a foothold  in  Mexico,  for  purposes  of 
“ vital  importance,”  political,  colonial,  and  commercial. 

ACTION  OF  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT 1845. 

In  1845,  Napoleon  Gavella,  chief  of  the  royal  corps 
of  mining  engineers,  published  in  Paris  a resume  of  his 
report  to  the  French  government  on  the  project  of  the 
Panama  canal.  The  volume  contains  230  pages,  12mo, 
with  an  accurate  topographical  map,  and  a condensed 
statement  of  the  results  of  his  examination  of  the  isthmus, 
the  details  of  which,  in  the  estimates  of  construction,  re- 
venue, &c.,  being  deposited  in  the  archives  of  State.  The 
report  of  M.  Gavella  appeared  in  the  Journal  des  Debats 
January  15,  1846. 

In  1846,  M.  Garay  published  a volume  in  London  of 
130  pages,  12mo,  with  maps,  tables,  and  estimates,  based 
upon  the  surveys  and  reports  of  the  scientific  commission, 
authorized  under  his  grant.  He  claimed  the  superior  ad- 
vantages of  the  Tehuantepec  route  over  every  other,  in 
shortening  the  commercial  lines,  and  in  other  respects, 
while  it  did  not  differ  in  any  extraordinary  degree,  in  any 
of  its  dimensions  of  length,  breadth,  depth,  lockage,  or 
summit  level  to  be  crossed,  from  similar  works  already 
executed  in  Great  Britain,  France,  Holland,  or  the  United 
States. 

VIEWS  AND  AIMS  OF  LOUIS  NAPOLEON  IN  1846. 

The  canalization  of  the  isthmus  was  the  earliest  to  re- 
ceive a thorough  scientific  investigation.  The  honor  of 
the  first,  most  complete  examination  of  the  whole  subject, 
in  all  its  bearings,  must  be  accorded  to  Louis  Napoleon. 
While  a prisoner  at  Ham  he  prepared  an  elaborate  expo- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


331 


sition  of  the  importance,  the  practicability,  and  advantages 
of  such  a work.  His  paper  occupies  eighty  pages  of  the 
8vo  edition  of  his  works.  The  following  brief  analysis  of 
its  contents  will  convey  some  idea  of  the  systematic,  prac- 
tical, and  comprehensive  manner  in  which  he  treated  it. 
An  introduction  of  twelve  pages  gives  an  account  of  the 
origin  and  progress  of  his  interest  in  the  subject.  Chap- 
ter 1,  sets  forth  the  importance  of  the  geographical  posi- 
sition  of  Nicaragua,  deemed  then  to  offer  the  most  prac- 
ticable route.  Chapter  2,  a description  of  the  places  in 
the  track  of  the  canal  and  the  length  of  the  route.  Chap- 
ter 3,  the  dimensions,  &c.,  of  the  canal.  Chapter  4,  esti- 
mates of  the  expense  of  construction.  Chapter  5,  reve- 
nues of  the  canal.  The  work  is  full  and  exhaustive  in  its 
details,  descriptions,  and  statistics,  as  then  accessible,  ne- 
cessary to  a complete  understanding  of  the  project. 

As  early  as  1842,  it  appears  in  his  historical  sketch, 
eminent  persons  in  Central  America  invited  the  prisoner 
of  Ham  to  America,  to  identify  himself  with  some  public 
works  worthy  of  his  name.  He  engaged  an  officer  of  the 
French  marine,  to  investigate  the  possibility  of  cutting  a 
canal  between  the  two  oceans,  by  the  lakes  of  Nicaragua 
and  Leon.  About  the  same  time,  the  government  of 
Louis  Philippe  sent  an  engineer  to  survey,  make  plans 
and  estimates  for  the  same  object  across  Panama. 

In  1844  the  States  of  Guatemala,  San  Salvador,  and 
Honduras  sent  a Minister  Plenipotentiary,  M.  Castillon, 
to  the  Court  of  Louis  Philippe  to  seek  the  protection  and 
aid  of  the  French  government,  offering  in  return  great 
commercial  advantages.  The  overture  being  declined,  M. 
Castillon  obtained  permission  to  visit  the  prisoner  of 
Ham,  and  solicited  him  to  go  to  Central  America  and 
place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  enterprise. 


332 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


M.  Castillon,  learning  how  perfectly  informed  the 
Prince  was,  in  respect  to  the  physical  facts,  the  geograph- 
ical and  commercial  relations,  and,  indeed,  every  aspect 
of  the  subject,  urged  the  preparation  of  the  descriptive 
paper  and  prospectus. 

In  January,  1846,  the  government  of  Nicaragua 
passed  an  act  conferring  all  necessary  powers  upon  Louis 
Napoleon  to  organize  a company  in  Europe,  on  a scale 
commensurate  with  the  object  of  opening  a new  route  for 
the  commerce  of  the  world,  and  under  the  honored  name 
of  “ Canale  Napoleone  de  Nicaragua.” 

After  the  departure  of  the  Prince  from  Ham,  and  his 
arrival  in  England,  he  pursued  the  subject  with  indefati- 
gable diligence,  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  capitalists 
and  statesmen.  His  publications  and  personal  efforts  to 
bring  the  project  forward,  are  well  known.  His  zeal  and 
energy,  and  his  foresight  and  comprehensive  grasp  of  the 
importance  of  the  work  then,  are  just  beginning  to  be  ap- 
preciated by  statesmen  now. 

MEMOIR  OF  LOUIS  NAPOLEON  ON  TIIE  CANAL — 1846. 

Prince  Napoleon,  in  his  introduction,  says,  that  “ the 
union  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  would  short- 
en the  distance  between  Europe  and  the  western  coast  of 
America  and  Oceanica  three  thousand  miles  ; would  make 
the  communication  between  China,  Japan,  New  Zealand, 
and  New  Holland  rapid  and  easy  by  steam  ; would  raise 
to  an  extraordinary  degree  of  prosperity,  the  territories 
through  which  three  thousand  merchant  ships  would  pass 
every  year ; would  open  new  avenues  for  commerce,  and 
markets  for  European  products ; in  short,  would  hasten 
by  many  centuries,  the  progress  of  Christianity  and  civil- 
ization throughout  the  world.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


333 


^ 5&  ft 

“The  whole  of  Central  America  may  be  considered  as 
one  grand  isthmus,  which  separates  the  Atlantic  from  tlie 
Pacific  Ocean,  extending  from  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec 
to  the  Gulf  of  Darien.  It  has  a coast  line  of  about  twelve 
hundred  miles,  and  its  area  is  twenty-six  thousand  square 
leagues,  almost  equal  to  that  of  France.  Its  population  is 
three  millions,”  &c. 

“ Five  points  have  been  indicated  on  this  part  of  the 
American  Continent,  as  suitable  for  the  opening  of  a com- 
munication between  the  two  oceans.  The  first  on  Mex- 
ican territory,  by  the  Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  the  second 
by  Nicaraugua,  the  third  by  Panama,  and  the  fourth  and 
fifth  by  the  Gulf  of  Darien.”  Of  these  five  proposed  routes, 
he  dismisses  the  first  and  the  last  two,  as  presenting  serious, 
if  not  insurmountable,  difficulties.  Of  the  other  two,  he 
maintains  that  the  route  by  the  river  San  Juan  and  the 
lake  of  Nicaragua  is  the  only  one  that  ought  to  be 
adopted,  even  if  all  were  practicable. 

He  explains  his  reasons  as  follows : “ There  are  cer- 
tain countries  which,  by  their  very  geographical  position, 
are  destined  to  become  prosperous,  rich,  and  powerful. 
Nature  has  done  everything  for  man,  if  he  will  improve 
the  advantages  she  has  placed  at  his  disposal.  The  coun- 
tries in  the  most  favorable  conditions  are  those  situated  on 
the  great  commercial  routes,  and  possessing  the  safest 
ports  and  harbors,  and  the  most  advantageous  means  of 
exchange.  These  countries  find  inexhaustible  resources 
in  their  relations  to  foreign  commerce,  and  can  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  fertility  of  their  own  soils,  and  gradually 
build  up  a domestic  commerce,  which  receives  its  impulse 
and  follows  the  movement  of  the  general  progress.  Such 


334 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


were  Tyre,  Carthage,  Constantinople,  Venice,  Genoa,  Am- 
sterdam, Liverpool,  and  London,  which  have  attained  such 
distinguished  prosperity,  rising  from  insignificant  villages 
to  the  first  rank  among  the  great  commercial  cities,  and 
offering  to  the  astonished  nations  the  spectacle  of  powerful 
States.  Venice,  in  particular,  owed  her  marvellous  gran- 
deur to  her  geographical  position,  which  made  her  for 
centuries  the  entrepot  of  commerce  between  Europe  and 
the  Levant.  It  was  only  after  the  discovery  of  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope  had  opened  to  navigators  a new  route  to 
the  East  that  the  prosperity  of  Venice  began  to  decline. 
Nevertheless,  such  was  her  wealth  and  commercial  influ- 
ence that  she  was  able,  for  three  centuries,  to  contend 
against  the  formidable  competition  that  this  discovery 
brought  against  her.” 

“ There  is  another  city  famous  in  history,  although  to- 
day shorn  of  her  ancient  splendor,  whose  admirable  position 
is  an  object  of  jealousy  for  all  the  great  Powers  of  Europe, 
who  now  unite  to  maintain  there  a semi- barbarous  govern- 
ment, incapable  of  profiting  by  the  prodigious  advantages 
that  nature  has  lavished  upon  her.  The  geographical  po- 
sition of  Constantinople  made  her  the  queen  of  the  ancient 
world.  Occupying  the  central  point  between  Europe, 
Asia,  and  Africa,  she  might  make  herself  the  entrepot  of 
the  commerce  of  all  countries,  and  gain  over  them  all 
an  immense  preponderance.  Seated  between  two  seas, 
which,  like  two  great  lakes,  the  entrance  to  which  she 
commands,  afford  a rendezvous  for  the  most  formidable 
fleets,  sheltered  from  the  attack  of  all  nations,  and  by  the 
aid  of  which  she  might  assure  to  herself  dominion  on  the 
Mediterranean,  as  well  as  on  the  Black  Sea — mistress  at 
once  of  the  mouths  of  the  Danube,  which  open  to  her  the 
route  to  Germany,  and  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


335 


Avhich  command  the  route  to  the  Indies,  she  might  dictate 
the  laws  of  commerce  to  Greece,  to  France,  to  Italy,  to 
Spain,  and  to  Egypt.  Alas  ! what  might  not  the  proud 
city  of  Constantine  be,  but  is  not,  because,  as  Montesquieu 
says,  ‘ God  has  permitted  Turks  to  be  in  this  world — the 
men  of  our  race  best  fitted  to  possess,  to  no  purpose,  a 
grand  empire.’ 

“There  is,  in  the  New  'World,  a country  as  admirably 
situated  as  Constantinople,  and,  we  must  add,  to  this  day 
as  uselessly  occupied.  It  is  the  State  of  Nicaragua.  As 
Constantinople  is  the  centre  of  the  ancient  world,  so  the 
city  of  Leon,  or  rather  Massaya,  is  the  centre  of  the  new. 
If  a canal  were  practicable  across  the  tongue  of  land, 
which  separates  the  two  lakes  from  the  Pacific  Ocean,  it 
would  command,  by  its  central  situation,  all  the  coasts  of 
North  and  South  America.  Like  Constantinople,  Massaya 
is  situated  between  two  grand  natural  harbors,  where  the 
largest  fleet  may  ride  secure  from  all  attacks.  Better  still 
than  Constantinople,  the  State  of  Nicaragua  may  be  made 
the  necessary  route  for  the  commerce  of  the  world ; for  it 
would  be,  for  the  United  States  the  shortest  route  to  China 
and  the  East  Indies,  and  for  England  and  the  rest  of 
Europe,  the  shortest  to  New  Holland,  Polynesia,  and  all 
the  western  coast  of  America. 

“The  State  of  Nicaragua  appears  to  be  destined  for  an 
extraordinary  degree  of  prosperity  and  grandeur  ; for  that 
which  really  makes  her  position  more  advantageous  than 
that  of  Constantinople,  is,  that  the  great  maritime  Powers 
of  Europe  would,  with  pleasure,  not  with  jealousy,  see  her 
take  a rank  in  the  scale  of  nations,  not  less  favorable  to 
her  own  peculiar  interests,  than  to  the  commerce  of  the 
world. 

“France,  England,  Holland,  Russia,  and  the  United 


336 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


States  have  a great  commercial  interest  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a communication  between  the  two  oceans ; but 
England  has,  more  than  all  .other  Powers,  a political  in- 
terest in  the  execution  of  this  plan.  England  cannot  but 
rejoice  to  see  Central  America  become  a flourishing  and 
considerable  State,  which  would  reestablish  the  equili- 
brium of  power,  by  creating  in  Spanish  America,  a new 
centre  of  industrial  activity,  sufficiently  powerful  to  create 
a grand  sentiment  of  nationality,  and  to  prevent,  by  sus- 
taining Mexico,  new  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the 
North. 

“ England  would  see  with  satisfaction,  the  opening  of 
a route,  which  would  enable  her  to  communicate  more 
rapidly,  with  Oregon,  China,  and  her  possessions  in  New 
Holland.  She  would  find,  besides,  that  the  progress  of 
Central  America  would  have  the  effect  to  revive  the  lan- 
guishing commerce  of  Jamaica  and  the  other  English  An- 
tilles, and  to  arrest  their  decay.  It  is  a happy  coincidence, 
that  the  political  and  commercial  prosperity  of  the  State 
of  Nicaragua  is  intimately  connected  with  the  political 
interests  of  that  nation,  that  is  now  in  possession  of  mari- 
time preponderance.” 

* * * * * * 

Prince  Napoleon  closes  his  extraordinary  and  admi- 
rable article  on  the  subject,  with  the  following  remarkable 
sentiments : 

“ The  prosperity  of  Central  America  concerns  the 
interests  of  civilization  in  general,  and  the  best  means  to 
work  for  the  welfare  of  humanity  is,  to  break  down  the 
barriers  which  separate  men,  races,  and  nations.  This  is 
the  progress  which  Christianity  points  out  to  us,  as  well  as 
the  efforts  of  the  great  men  who  have  appeared,  at  inter- 
vals, on  the  scene  of  the  world.  The  Christian  religion 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


337 


teaches  us  that  we  are  all  brothers,  and  that  in  the  sight 
of  God  the  slave  is  equal  to  his  master,  as  well  as  that 
the  Asiatic,  the  African,  and  the  Indian  are  equal  to  the 
European. 

“ On  the  other  hand,  the  great  men  of  the  world  have, 
by  their  wars,  mingled  together  the  different  races  of  men, 
and  left  behind  them,  those  imperishable  monuments,  such 
as  the  levelling  of  mountains,  the  piercing  of  forests,  the 
canalization  of  rivers — monuments  which,  by  facilitating 
communications,  tend  to  bring  together  and  reunite  indi- 
viduals and  peoples.  War  and  commerce  have  civilized 
the  world.  War  has  had  its  day.  Commerce  alone  now 
pursues  her  conquests.  Let  us  open  for  her  a new  route. 
Let  us  bring  nearer  to  Europe,  the  tribes  of  Oceanica  and 
Australia,  and  cause  them  to  share  in  the  blessings  of 
Christianity  and  civilization.  To  accomplish  this  grand 
enterprise,  we  make  our  appeal  to  all  religious  and  intelli- 
gent men,  for  it  is  worthy  of  their  zeal  and  their  sympa- 
thies. We  invoke  the  support  of  all  statesmen,  for  all 
nations  are  interested  in  the  establishment  of  new  and 
easy  communications  between  the  two  hemispheres. 
Finally,  we  address  ourselves  to  capitalists,  because,  in 
taking  part  in  so  glorious  an  enterprise,  they  are  sure  to 
reap  great  pecuniary  advantages/'' 

THE  POPE  AND  THE  ISTHMUS  CANAL 1848. 

In  1848,  there  was  published  in  Paris  a small  pamph- 
let, entitled  the  “ Canalization  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez  and 
of  Panama,”  “ by  the  brothers  of  the  maritime  company 
of  the  religious,  military,  and  industrial  order  of  Saint 
Pie.” 

The  frontispiece  represents  the  Pope  offering  with  his 
right  hand  a scroll,  with  the  keys  of  St.  Peter,  to  Europe, 
22 


338 


MEXICO  AND  TEE  UNITED  STATES. 


and  with  his  left  hand  pointing  to  the  Indian,  Mexican, 
and  African  races  of  America.  The  motto  is  : 

Allez,  soldats  du  Christ,  et  pleins  de  contiance, 

Vers  de  nouveaux  cliemins  guidez  1’humanite; 

Mais  portez-y  la  Croix,  seul  phare  d’esperance, 

Seal  gage  du  progres  et  de  la  liberte. 

The  work  is  dedicated  to  his  Holiness  Pius  IX., 
“ Heureusement  regnant,”  by  the  Marquis  de  Magny,  as 
follows  : 

Most  Illustrious  and  Most  Reverend  Pontiff  : An  under- 
taking, whose  conception  dates  hack  even  as  far  as  the  discovery 
of  the  Xew  World,  and  looked  upon  ever  since,  as  the  grandest 
benefaction  with  which  humanity  could  be  blessed,  a work 
judged  impracticable  as  long  as  science  did  not  elevate  herself 
to  the  height  of  this  gigantic  difficulty ; but  in  our  days,  after 
the  studies  made  by  engineers,  universally  recognized  as  possible, 
and  speedily  to  be  realized,  is  a work,  whose  execution  would 
place  its  authors  in  the  very  front  rank  of  the  men  who  have 
most  advanced  civilization.  The  piercing  of  the  Isthmus  which 
separates  the  Atlantic  from  the  Pacific  ocean — the  complement 
of  the  canalization  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez — could  not  pass  the 
interval  which  separates  every  theoretic  conception  from  practi- 
cal realization,  if  it  were  not  placed  in  the  hands  of  a company, 
worthy  by  its  organization,  to  share  in  the  great  work  for  the 
benefit  of  religion,  universal  civilization,  and  the  world’s  peace. 
I come  to  lay  before  the  eyes  of  your  Holiness  the  plan  which 
alone  can  render  profitable  this  noble  and  magnificent  enter- 
prise, which  I propose  to  carry  out  by  means  of  a company, 
simultaneously  religious,  military,  and  industrial,  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  to  whom  humanity  awards  such 
high  destinies.  The  civilizing  genius  which,  by  a single  stroke, 
has  given  to  the  “ Church  ” the  moral  influence  belonging  to  it, 
and  which  she  is  wont  to  exercise  in  all  great  epochs,  upon 
events  as  well  as  upon  men,  has  naturally  designated  Pope  Pins 
IX.  as  one  of  its  most  humble  but  also  one  of  its  most  fervent 
admirers,  who,  like  a new  Moses,  is  destined  to  open  to  humanity, 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


339 


the  ways  as  yet  unknown  to  it,  which  shall  conduct  it  to  a glori- 
ous future. 

In  liis  exposition  of  the  plan,  the  Marquis  says  : 

Let  us  suppose  that  a society  were  established  in  that  admi- 
rable country,  which  extends  from  the  borders  of  the  Coatzacoalco 
to  the  Gulf  of  Darien — that  is  to  say,  along  the  narrow  space 
which  separates  North  and  South  America ; suppose  that  to  it  were 
equally  committed  the  guarding  of  that  part  of  Africa  where  its 
works  should  remove  the  obstacle  that  lies  between  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  the  Arabian  Gulf ; suppose  that,  invested  with  the 
confidence  of  the  various  governments,  who  will  have  solemnly 
recognized  the  neutrality  of  its  flag,  it  should  arrive  to  such  a 
degree  of  influence  as  it  ought  to  have,  and  as  it  will  have,  upon 
the  plan  of  such  an  association  as  we  have  submitted  to  the  ap- 
proval of  an  august  will.  Then  will  open  for  its  intervention  a 
beautiful  and  vast  career.  Then  all  that  can  satisfy  the  most 
noble  and  most  legitimate  ambition  can  be  realized  by  the  chiefs 
charged  with  its  management.  Missionaries  of  European  civili- 
zation, the  members  of  the  company  of  St.  Pius,  would  become, 
under  various  titles,  the  benefactors  of  the  human  race.  With 
them  and  through  them  would  be  realized  all  that  is  practicable 
in  the  amelioration  of  society  and  the  ranks  of  civilization. 
Finally,  an  immense  resource  would  be  found  for  the  suffering 
multitudes  of  the  ancient  world.  Upon  the  whole  surface  of  our 
Continent  there  is  an  agitated,  unsteady,  and  heaving  mass. 
Europe,  justly  proud  of  its  experience,  of  its  inventions,  of  its 
manufactures,  of  its  arts,  of  its  sciences,  groans  under  the  impos- 
sibility of  exercising  all  these  forces  for  the  welfare  of  its  inces- 
santly increasing  inhabitants. 

The  object  of  these  statements  is,  to  show  that  Eng- 
land, France,  and  even  Rome  have  been  far  in  advance 
of  ns,  in  appreciating  the  importance  of  Mexico  ; that  far- 
seeing  minds  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  have  been 
incomparably  more  awake,  more  alive,  more  enterprising 
than  we  have  been,  in  a matter  of  vital  interest  that  lies 
at  our  very  doors. 


340 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


i 

In  1850  that  most  extraordinary  treaty,  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty,  was  made  at  Washington.  While  it  con- 
tains many  valuable  features,  it  is  incomprehensible  how 
some  of  its  stipulations  could  have  been  sanctioned  by  our 
government.* 

THE  CLAYTON-BULWER  TREATY 1850. 

April  19,  1850. — “ The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty 11 
says,  that  “ her  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  United  States 
of  America,  desirous  of  consolidating  the  relations  of 
amity  which  so  happily  exist,”  &c.,  “ by  setting  forth  and 
fixing  in  a convention  their  views  and  intentions  with 
reference  to  any  means  of  communication  by  ship  canal, 
which  may  be  constructed  between  the  Atlantic  and  the 
Pacific  oceans,  by  the  way  of  the  St.  Juan  river,”  &c. 

Article  1 declares  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  will  ever 
obtain  or  maintain  for  itself,  any  exclusive  control  over  the  said 


* The  following  anecdote  has  been  related  of  Senator  DoU°das, 
in  connection  with  this  Treaty.  It  is  stated,  that  while  it  was  pend- 
ing before  the  Senate,  there  was  a dinner  party  somewhere,  at  which 
the  British  Minister  and  the  Senator  were  present.  During  the 
interview,  the  Minister  addressed  the  Senator,  stating  that  he  un- 
derstood he  was  violently  opposed  to  his  Treaty,  and  asked  him 
why  ? 

The  Senator  replied,  that  he  was  opposed  to  it ; but  that,  if  the 
Minister  would  assent  to  the  insertion  of  two  words  in  the  first 
article,  he  would  vote  for  it. 

“ Very  well,”  responded  the  Minister,  “ what  are  they  ? ” 

“ After  the  words,”  said  Mr.  Douglas,  “ ‘ Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica, 
the  Mosquito  Coast,  or  any  part  of  Central  America,’ — add  or 
India .” 

“ Oh ! but,”  said  the  Minister,  “ the  United  States  have  no 
colonies  in  India.” 

“ Neither  has  Great  Britain  any  colonies  in  Central  America,” 
replied  the  Senator. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


341 


ship  canal ; agreeing,  that  neither  will  ever  erect,  or  maintain, 
any  fortifications  commanding  the  same,  or  in  the  vicinity  there- 
of, nor  occupy  nor  fortify  nor  colonize  nor  assume  or  exercise 
any  dominion  over  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  the  Mosquito  coast  or 
any  part  of  Central  America.  Nor  will  either  make  use  of  any 
protection  which  either  affords,  or  may  afford,  or  any  alliance 
which  either  has,  or  may  have  to  do  with  any  State  or  people, 
for  the  purpose  of  erecting  or  maintaining  any  such  fortifications, 
or  of  occupying,  fortifying  or  colonizing  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica, 
the  Mosquito  coast,  or  any  part  of  Central  America,  or  of  assum- 
ing or  exercising  dominion  over  the  same.  Nor  will  Great 
Britain  or  the  United  States  take  advantage  of  any  intimacy,  or 
use  any  alliance,  connection  or  influence  that  either  may  possess, 
with  any  State  or  government,  through  whose  territory  the  said 
canal  may  pass,  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  or  holding,  directly 
or  indirectly,  for  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  the  one,  any  rights  or 
advantages  in  regard  to  commerce  or  navigation  through  the 
said  canal,  which  shall  not  he  offered  on  the  same  terms,  to  the 
subjects  or  citizens  of  the  other. 

Article  2.  The  vessels  of  Great  Britain,  or  of  the  United  States 
traversing  the  said  canal,  shall,  in  case  of  war  between  the  con- 
tracting parties,  be  exempt  from  blockade,  detention  or  capture 
by  either  of  the  belligerents ; and  this  provision  shall  extend  to 
such  a distance  from  the  two  ends  of  the  said  canal,  as  may  here- 
after be  found  expedient  to  establish. 

Article  4 provides  that  the  contracting  parties  shall  use 
whatever  influence  they  may  possess,  and  good  offices  they  may 
perform,  to  induce  the  states  concerned  in  the  transit,  to  facili- 
tate the  construction  of  the  canal,  and  to  procure  two  free  ports, 
one  at  each  end  of  said  canal. 

Article  5.  The  contracting  parties  agree,  that  when  the  said 
canal  is  completed,  they  will  protect  it  from  interruption,  seizure, 
or  unjust  confiscation ; that  they  will  guarantee  its  neutrality, 
that  it  may  be  forever  open  and  free,  and  the  capital  invested 
therein,  secure ; that  the  guarantee  of  security  and  neutrality 
shall  be  conditioned  on  its  faithful  and  impartial  management ; 
that  no  discriminating  regulations  in  favor,  or  against,  either 


342 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


party  are  made,  or  oppressive  exactions  or  unreasonable  tolls  on 
passengers  or  freight. 

Article  6.  The  parties  engage  to  invite  other  States  to 
enter  into  stipulations  with  them,  similar  to  those  which  they 
have  entered  into  with  each  other,  to  the  end  that  all  other  States 
may  share  in  the  honor  and  advantage  of  having  contributed  to 
a.  work  of  such  interest  and  importance.  The  contracting  par- 
ties also  stipulate,  that  each  shall  enter  into  treaty  stipulations 
with  such  of  the  Central  American  States  as  they  may  deem  ad- 
visable, for  the  purpose  of  more  effectually  carrying  out  the  great 
design  of  this  Convention — namely,  that  of  constructing  and 
maintaining  the  said  canal  as  a ship  communication  between  the 
two  oceans,  for  the  benefit  of  mankind,  on  equal  terms  to  all, 
and  of  protecting  the  same. 

Article  8 states  that  the  parties  have  entered  into  this  conven- 
tion, not  merely  to  accomplish  a particular  object,  but  also  to 
establish  a general  principle.  They  agree  to  extend  their  protec- 
tion to  any  other  practicable  communications,  whether  by  canal 
or  railway,  across  the  isthmus  which  connects  North  and  South 
America,  and  especially  to  the  interoceanic  communications, 
should  the  same  be  practicable,  whether  by  canal  or  railway, 
which  are  now  proposed  to  be  established  by  the  way  of  Tehuan- 
tepec or  Panama. 

In  1852,  the  Report,  by  I.  I.  Williams,  Esq.,  Assist- 
ant Engineer  of  the  Scientific  Survey  of  the  Isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  under  the  direction  of  Major-General  J.  G. 
Barnard,  was  published,  in  a volume  of  295  pp.  It  is 
accompanied  by  maps,  profiles,  and  engravings,  and  is  the 
most  thorough,  elaborate,  and  complete  account  that  we 
have  of  any  portion  of  the  Isthmus. 

ACTION  OF  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT. 

Subsequently  the  French  government,  by  its  agent, 
M.  Belly,  secured  the  following : 

CONVENTION  OF  RIVAS,  MAY  1,  1858. 

The  preamble  states,  that  the  two  governments  of  Nicaragua 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


343 


and  Costa  Rica  jointly  agree  upon  a grant  for  an  interoceanic 
canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Nicaragua,  to  an  international  com- 
pany, to  be  formed  by  M.  Belly  and  his  associates,  on  the  most 
liberal  terms  and  without  “distinction  of  nationalities.” 

Article  1 stipulates  that  the  two  governments  shall  give  the 
exclusive  privilege  for  the  construction  and  use  of  such  a mari- 
time canal,  precluding  any  subsequent  grant  for  a canal  across 
the  same  territory,  during  the  term  of  this  concession. 

Article  2 fixes  the  term  of  the  grant — ninety-nine  years  from 
the  date  of  the  opening  of  the  canal. 

Article  3 determines  the  course  of  the  canal,  by  the  river  San 
Juan  and  the  lake  of  Nicaragua. 

Article  4 defines  conditionally  the  dividing  line  between  the 
two  States,  according  to  the  route  of  the  canal. 

Article  5 conveys,  in  fee,  to  the  grantees,  one  French  league 
of  land  each  side  of  the  track  of  the  canal. 

Article  6 stipulates  that  in  crossing  the  Lake  of  Nicaragua, 
the  shortest  curve  shall  be  considered  as  one  of  the  sides  of  the 
canal,  on  each  side  of  which,  a space  equal  to  one  French  league 
shall  be  deemed  the  property  of  the  company,  whether  water 
or  island,  provided  the  same  belongs  to  the  States. 

Article  7 conveys  all  the  mines  of  coal,  gold,  silver,  or  other 
minerals  on  the  lands  of  the  company  to  them,  subject  only  to 
the  laws  of  the  country. 

Article  8 provides  that  the  company  shall  be  at  the  entire 
charge  of  the  construction,  repair,  and  working  of  the  canal, 
without  government  aid. 

Article  9 secures  eight  per  cent,  of  the  gross  revenue  of  the 
canal — that  is,  four  per  cent,  each  to  the  two  States  during  the 
continuance  of  the  grant. 

Article  10  guarantees  the  company,  their  agents  and  prop- 
erty against  any  external  or  internal  aggression,  under  penalty  of 
forfeiture  of  damages  by  arbitration,  to  be  deducted  from  the 
eight  per  cent,  royalty. 

Article  11  provides  that  the  two  ports  at  the  extremities  of 
the  canal,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  shall  be  free  ports  forever,  enjoy- 
ing all  the  immunities  those  words  imply. 


344 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Article  12  requires  the  erection  of  a first  class  lighthouse  at 
each  end  of  the  canal,  six  months  before  its  opening. 

Article  13.  The  grantees  declare  emphatically,  that  the  canal 
shall  be  open  on  the  same  terms  to  all  flags,  and  that  there  shall 
be  a uniform  rate  of  tolls  and  charges,  on  all  descriptions  of  mer- 
chandise, and  at  present,  ten  francs  per  ton  (1,000  killogram)  and 
sixty  francs  per  passenger,  never  to  be  increased,  but  may  be  re- 
duced as  the  interests  of  the  company  and  commerce  of  the  world, 
may  justify. 

Article  14  grants  special  privilege,  for  ten  years,  of  free  pas- 
sage to  vessels  of  the  company,  not  exporting  merchandise. 

Article  15  exempts  the  lands,  vessels,  and  works  of  the  com- 
pany from  any  impost  tax  of  any  kind,  for  twenty  years. 

Article  16  authorizes  the  company  to  dam  or  dredge  the  wa- 
ters of  the  Colorado  and  San  Juan  rivers,  and  of  the  Lake  Nica- 
ragua, and  to  construct  all  such  works  as  the  engineers  may 
judge  necessary. 

Article  17  empowers  the  company  to  impose  such  rules  and 
regulations  on  the  commerce  of  the  transit  as  the  interests  of 
the  service  may  require,  not,  however,  injurious  to  the  States  of 
Costa  Rica  and  Nicaragua. 

Article  18  requires  the  canal  to  be  of  such  dimensions  as  to 
admit,  and  afford  harmless  transit,  to  vessels  of  the  largest  size. 

Article  19  allows  two  years  for  the  commencement  of  the 
works,  and  six  years  for  their  completion.  This  time  may,  how- 
ever, be  extended. 

Article  20  entitles  the  Ministers  at  Paris,  of  all  of  the  States, 
to  be  members  of  the  council  of  the  company,  but  without  vote. 

Article  21  restricts  the  two  States  from  continuing  or  estab- 
lishing any  monopoly  of  the  productions  of  the  country,  or  of 
articles  of  commerce  (except  munitions  of  war),  from  the  date 
of*  the  first  semi-annual  settlement  of  the  royalty  reserved  to  the 
States. 

Article  22  establishes  three  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  as  the  rate 
of  import  and  export  duty,  during  the  tenn  of  this  concession. 

Article  23.  The  parties  mutually  engage  to  make  immediate 
application  to  the  governments  of  France,  England,  and  the  TTni- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


345 


ted  States,  to  secure  tlie  guarantee  of  the  neutrality  of  the  canal, 
by  these  three  Powers,  on  the  basis  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty. 

Article  24.  Until  such  guarantee  shall  have  been  officially 
proclaimed,  by  the  publication  of  such  a treaty,  entrance  to  the 
canal  shall  be  prohibited  to  all  men-of-war;  and  the  border 
States,  in  concert  with  the  company,  may  take  all  necessary 
measures,  to  make  this  prohibition  respected. 

Article  25.  After  the  neutrality  of  the  canal  shall  have  been 
solemnly  guaranteed  by  act  of  the  three  governments  of  France, 
England,  and  the  United  States,  the  canal  shall  be  open  to  ships 
of  war,  on  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  three  Powers,  subject 
to  the  approval  of  Nicaragua  and  Costa  Rica,  and  the  previous 
regulations  of  the  company. 

Article  26.  As  an  exceptional  measure,  and  to  protect  the 
interests  and  responsibility  of  the  company,  the  direction  of  which 
is  entirely  French,  the  French  government  shall  have  the  right 
to  maintain  two  stationary  vessels  of  war,  during  the  continu- 
ance of  the  works,  either  in  the  waters  of  the  canal  or  the  Lake 
Nicaragua. 

Article  27.  All  civil  questions  in  the  execution  of  this  con- 
vention, shall  be  finally  decided  by  a permanent  commission, 
composed  of  two  arbitrators,  chosen  by  the  company;  one  magis- 
trate, appointed  by  each  of  the  States,  and  the  oldest  French 
Consular  Agent  accredited  to  them. 

Article  28.  All  political  questions  arising  under  this  conven- 
tion shall  be  submitted  to  the  decision  of  a majority  of  an  arbi- 
tration commission,  composed  of  two  members  appointed  by  the 
company,  and  one  from  each  of  the  interested  or  guaranteeing 
States — France,  England,  the  United  States,  Nicaragua,  and 
Costa  Rica. 

Convention  executed  at  Rivas,  May  1,  1858. 

MARTINEZ,  President  Republic  Nicaragua. 

Gregorio  Juarez,  Foreign  Secretary. 

MORA,  President  Republic  Costa  Rica. 

Nazario  Toledo,  Foreign  Secretary. 

FELIX  BELLY. 


346 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ENDORSEMENT  OF  THE  BRITISH  GOVERNMENT. 

This  convention  was  submitted  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment, and  received  the  following  significant  reply  from 
Lord  Malmesbury,  referring  to  the  “ Clayton-Bulwer  ” 
treaty  : — 

A letter  addressed  toM.  Felix  Belly,  by  Lord  Malmes- 
bury, her  Britannic  Majesty’s  Minister  for  Foreign  Af- 
fairs : 

Foreign  Office,  June  11,  1858. 

Monsieur — I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your  letter  of  May  1,  containing  a copy  of  the  treaty  concluded 
between  yourself  and  the  Presidents  of  the  republics  of  Nicaragua 
and  Costa  Rica,  for  the  construction  of  a maritime  canal  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans,  and  I am  happy  to  assure  yon, 
that  the  stipulations  of  a treaty  entered  into  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  April  19,  1850,  are  in  my  opinion  ap- 
plicable to  your  project,  if  you  put  it  into  execution. 

MALMESBURY. 

In  1866,  Rear-Admiral  Davis,  in  compliance  with  a 
Resolution  of  the  Senate,  prepared  and  published  a Re- 
port, “ On  the  various  proposed  lines  for  interoceanic 
canals  and  railroads,  between  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  Oceans.”  It  is  in  a volume  of  28  pages  let- 
terpress, containing  numerous  admirable  maps  and  charts. 
It  is  an  admirable  resume  of  the  various  projects  for  these 
objects. 

Other  and  numerous  publications,  of  various  kinds, 
are  extant,  by  different  authors,  describing  favorite  routes. 

THE  MEXICAN  SCIENTIFIC  EXPEDITION,  BY  LOUIS  NAPOLEON,  1864. 

In  February,  1864,  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  by  impe- 
rial decree,  instituted  a commission,  charged  with  a scientific 
expedition,  for  researches  in  Mexico,  consisting  of  twenty- 
five  members.  The  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  was 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


347 


president,  M.  Quatrefages  vice-president,  and  among  the 
members  were  Marshal  Vaillant,  Baron  Gros,  MM. 
Michel  Chevalier,  Milne  Edwards,  and  others,  mostly 
members  of  the  Institute,  and  distinguished  in  various  de- 
partments of  science.  The  expedition  was  organized  in  its 
various  sections,  to  make  a complete  exploration  of  Mex- 
ico, and  the  bordering  territories,  in  respect  to  physical 
geography,  geological,  mineralogical,  meteorological  and 
medical  characteristics,  the  different  races,  their  monu- 
ments, history,  &c.  The  survey  was  to  extend  from  the 
sources  of  the  Bio  del  Norte  and  Bio  Colorado,  to  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  and  from  the  Pacific 
Ocean  to  the  basin  of  the  Bio  del  Norte,  inclusive. 

There  were  four  committees,  or  sections.  1.  On  natural  and 
medical  sciences  ; M.  Milne  Edwards,  president.  2.  On  physi- 
cal and  medical  sciences;  Marshal  Vaillant,  president.  3.  On 
history,  language  and  archaeology ; Baron  Gros,  president.  4. 
On  political  economy,  statistics,  public  works  and  administrative 
questions  ; M.  Michel  Chevalier,  president. 

In  addition  to  the  above  there  were  thirty  correspond- 
ing members.  Among  them  were  Leon,  Minister  of  State 
of  the  empire  of  Maximilian  ; Bamirez,  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs : the  Archbishop  of  Guatemala,  and  others 
wisely  selected  in  Havana,  Panama,  Mexico,  and  other 
prominent  places.  The  most  ample  provision  for  the  per- 
sonnel. and  the  general  expedition  were  made,  and  all  the 
instructions  and  preparations  arranged  for  the  work,  on  a 
scale  worthy  both  of  the  subject,  and  of  the  author  of  the 
undertaking. 

In  their  first  report  to  the  Emperor,  the  commission 
say : — “ Sixty-six  years  ago  forty  thousand  of  the  bravest 
soldiers  in  the  world  and  our  most  glorious  Captain,  en- 
tered Alexandria.  A whole  colony  of  savans , also,  in 


348 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


their  way,  made  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  rending  the  veil 
which  for  fifteen  centuries  had  shrouded  its  ancient  civili- 
zation. The  researches  of  the  Institute  of  Cairo,  and  the 
publication  of  the  great  work,  ‘ The  Description  of  Egypt,’ 
revived  archaeological  science  in  Europe.”  * * * 

Animated  by  such  recollections,  your  Majesty  has  de- 
sired that  that  which  was  done  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile, 
by  Napoleon  I.  should  be  repeated  in  Mexico,  under  the 
auspices  of  Napoleon  III. 

The  report,  which  is  in  two  volumes,  contains  an  ac- 
count of  the  official  acts  of  the  commission,  and  of  the 
labors  of  its  committees,  and  the  results  they  had  reached. 

The  -whole  project — the  organization,  the  appointments 
and  the  business  efficiency  of  that  commission,  were  all 
worthy  of  the  imperial  mind  that  planned  it ; and  the  re- 
sults embodied  in  the  two  volumes  are  only  an  earnest  and 
pledge,  of  the  grand  contribution  to  science  which  the 
world  would  have  received,  if  the  plan  had  been  successful. 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES;  THE  AMERICAN  ASIATIC 
SOCIETY 1865. 

It  had  lone:  been  known,  that  the  Asiatic  and  the 
Geographical  Societies,  of  England,  France,  Germany  and 
other  parts  of  Europe,  had  given  to  this  subject  the  most 
earnest  and  thorough  investigation,  and  that-  courts  and 
cabinets,  in  connection  with  the  researches  of  eminent  men 
of  science,  statesmen  and  philanthropists,  had  accumulated 
an  amount  of  information  not  generally  known  in  this 
country.  The  grand  relations  and  bearings  of  the  subject 
had  not  received  at  home,  the  attention  and  appreciation 
they  deserved,  and  had  commanded  abroad.  The  know- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


349 


ledge  attained,  the  interest  manifested,  and  the  policy  pur- 
sued, by  one  administration  of  our  government,  was  not 
followed  up  by  its  successor. 

The  American- Asiatic  Society,  an  association  under 
the  presidency  of  Professor  S.  F.  B.  Morse,  had  been  for  a 
long  period  quietly  investigating  the  subject,  in  its  rela- 
tions to  the  future  of  our  institutions  and  of  our  com- 
merce. Impressed  with  a deep  sense  of  the  intrinsic  na- 
tional and  international  importance  of  the  “ Middle  Con- 
tinent,” in  its  geographical  relations  to  the  commerce  of 
the  world,  the  society  addressed  a communication  to  our 
government,  soliciting  the  appropriate  action  of  our  admin- 
istration ; — and  opened  correspondence  with  scientific 
societies,  and  a number  of  eminent  individuals  in  Europe. 
The  society  also,  by  favor  of  the  opportunity  of  a personal 
presentation,  by  its  honored  President,  to  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,  addressed  to  him  a memorial  on  the  subject. 

COMMUNICATION  OP  THE  AMERICAN-ASIATIC  SOCIETY  TO  THE  GOV- 
ERNMENT OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 1866. 

In  January,  18G6,  the  society  deputed  one  of  its  mem- 
bers, to  submit  to  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
some  of  the  results  of  their  investigations,  together  with 
some  views  respecting  friendly  international  cooperation, 
by  the  interested  commercial  Powers,  in  opening  the  great 
highway  and  the  golden  gates  of  the  world’s  commerce,  in 
the  common  interest  of  all  nations  and  of  modern  civiliza- 
tion. 

The  President  of  the  society  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  : 

New  York,  Jan.  17,  1866. 

To  his  Excellency  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States : 

Dear  Sir — At  a time  when  every  patriot  is  studying,  with 


350 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  deepest  interest,  tlie  influence  of  foreign  diplomacy  upon  the 
peace  and  well  being  of  our  country, — when  every  one  is  watch- 
ing with  anxiety  the  unfolding  of  the  policy  of  European  gov- 
ernments towards  the  United  States,  and  this  Western  Continent, 
I am  confident  that  the  plans  of  intelligent  individual  citizens, 
having  for  their  object  the  welfare,  not  merely  of  our  own  coun- 
try, but  of  the  world,  will  not  be  considered  by  your  Excellency  as 
wholly  unworthy  of  your  attention.  It  is  in  view  of  the  fact, 
that  my  excellent  and  philanthropic  friend,  Dr.  Abbot,  of  this 
city,  who  bears  this  letter,  has  put  upon  paper  some  valuable 
hints,  respecting,  especially,  the  French  intervention  in  Mexico, 
that  I have  ventured  to  ask  for  him  a few  minutes  of  your 
valuable  time,  that  he  may  impart  his  views  to  you.  I am  sure 
you  will  not  consider  my  request  for  him,  nor  his  suggestions,  as 
impertinent  or  obtrusive.  With  profound  respect,  your  obedient 
servant, 

SAMUEL  F.  B.  MORSE. 

The  papers  and  statements  and  maps  submitted  to  the 
President,  had  reference  to  various  historic  facts  and  con- 
nected views,  respecting  the  past  and  present  relations  be- 
tween the  government  and  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  governments  and  the  people  of  F ranee,  of  Russia, 
of  Great  Britain  and  of  other  nations.  They  were  of  a 
character  in  themselves,  to  suggest  offices  of  friendly  in- 
ternational concert  and  cooperation,  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  some  great  objects,  that  concern  alike  the  welfare 
and  the  maritime  and  commercial  interests  of  all  nations — 
objects  like  the  telegraph  round  the  world,  which  no  one 
nation  or  Power  ought  to  direct  or  control,  but  which,  if 
accomplished  by  the  voluntary  and  cordial  cooperation  of 
the  leading  nations,  would  bring  about,  in  a decade,  re- 
sults for  humanity,  that  a thousand  years  of  isolated  and 
conflicting  efforts  could  not  secure. 

The  presentation  of  the  subject  at  Washington,  was 
received  with  much  cordial  interest ; and  the  desire  was 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


351 


expressed,  that  the  views  of  the  Asiatic  Society  should  be 
drawn  out,  and  reduced  to  a plan,  exhibiting  a clear,  dis- 
tinct and  full  idea  of  its  design.  By  request,  they  were 
thrown  into  the  form  of  an  imaginary  Treaty,  simply,  as  a 
convenient  way  of  conveying,  as  briefly  as  possible,  the  idea 
and  an  outline  of  a plan. 

A photographic  map  was  prepared,  from  which  the 
accompanying  engraving  has  been  made,  to  exhibit  and 
illustrate  to  the  eye,  such  bearings  and  relations  of  the 
subject,  as  were  deemed  appropriate  to  submit,  to  our  own, 
and  to  Foreign  Governments  concerned. 

The  following  is  the  view  prepared  : 

Animated  by  a mutual  desire  to  promote  universal 
“ Peace  on  Earth  and  good-will  to  men,” 

and  to  diffuse  among  all  nations,  the  blessings  of  commerce,  and 
of  the  peaceful  arts  and  industries  of  civilization,  the  governments 
of , , , propose  to  each  other,  and  to  the  Na- 

tions over  which  they  respectively  preside,  the  following  measures 
for  the  welfare  of  all  mankind,  irrespective  of  Continent,  country, 
or  nationality,  and  for  this  end,  do  enter  into  a Treaty  of  Amity, 
Commerce  and  Navigation. 

Whereas , The  Creator  of  the  World,  in  the  configuration  of 
its  land  and  water  surface,  has  singularly  and  significantly  con- 
nected the  Continents,  and  separated  the  oceans,  by  remarkable 
Isthmus  sections  ; — in  the  Eastern  Hemisphere,  between  the  Med- 
iterranean Sea  and  the  Persian  Gulf,  uniting  Europe,  Asia  and 
Africa  ; — and  in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  between  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific  Oceans,  connecting  North  and  South  America  ; 

And,  has  determined  the  metes  and  bounds  of  the  habitation 
of  all  nations  ; and  constituted  the  peculiar  characteristics,  habits, 
tastes,  inventive  genius  and  executive  skill  of  different  nationali- 
ties and  races ; and  ordained  the  diversified  features  of  climate, 
soil  and  natural  productions  of  all  countries,  in  a manner  calcu- 
lated to  impress  upon  the  whole  human  family,  a fraternal  and 


352 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


generous  recognition  of  mutual  and  necessary  dependence  upon 
each  other  ; — and 

Whereas,  The  termini  of  the  two  great  transit  routes  across 
these  Isthmus  sections  in  the  two  Hemispheres,  are  by  their  geo- 
graphical position,  the  focal  and  radiant  points,  where  the  chief 
trunk  lines  of  commerce  necessarily  concentrate  and  diverge ; 
namely  from  the  Persian  Gulf  eastward  to  Kurrachee,  Bombay, 
Calcutta,  Singapore  and  Australia  ; and  from  the  Mediterranean 
Sea,  westward  to  all  points  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  in  Europe, 
North  and  South  America,  the  West  Indies,  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  from  the  American  Isthmus,  on  the  Pacific  coast,  to 
all  the  ports  of  Western  North  and  South  America,  the  Sand- 
wich Islands,  Japan  and  China,  constituting  as  a whole,  the  grand 
interoceanic  and  intercontinental  highway  for  all  the  principal 
foreign  commerce  of  ail  nations  ; and 

Whereas , The  rights  and  interests  of  all  mankind  are  con- 
cerned in  the  opening,  the  preservation,  the  perpetuity,  and  the 
unobstructed  and  suitably  protected  enjoyment  of  these  great 
thoroughfares  of  travel  and  traffic ; and 

Whereas , The  friendly  and  cordial  cooperation  of  the  great 
maritime  powers  and  commercial  agencies  of  both  Europe  and 
America  is  essential  to  the  execution  and  protectorate  of  an  en- 
terprise of  such  world- wide,  universal,  and  enduring  interest ; 
and  that,  on  a scale  commensurate  with  the  magnitude  and  im- 
portance of  the  objects  in  view  ; 

Wow,  Therefore , the  High  Contracting  Parties,  in  good  faith 
with  each  other,  do  enter  into  a Treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce  and 
Navigation,  under  the  following  articles  and  conditions  ; namely, 

Article  I. — Declaration. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties,  and  all  others  who  are  invited 
to  unite  in  this  Treaty,  and  who  may  participate  in  the  duties, 
responsibilities  and  immunities  it  involves,  do  bind  themselves 
mutually  each  witli  the  other,  that  they  will  not  themselves,  and 
will  not  permit  others,  to  assume,  nor  to  exercise  any  control  or 
monopoly  of  these  grand,  fundamental  trunk  routes  of  interna- 
tional communication,  to  the  exclusion  of  others  from  rights 
and  privileges,  which  all  nations  are  justly  entitled  to  enjoy. 


. 


V 

T. 
y\ 
u 
b 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


353 


Article  II. — International  Commission. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  Treaty,  the  High  Contracting  Parties 
agree  to  institute  and  appoint  an  International  Commission,  to 

consist  of members,  , to  be  designated  by  each 

party,  who,  when  organized  as  hereinafter  provided,  shall  consti- 
tute the  Universal  International  Commission. 

Article  III. — Organization. 

§ 1.*  The  Commissioners  appointed,  before  proceeding  to  busi- 
ness, shall  make  and  subscribe  a solemn  declaration,  to  be  en- 
tered on  their  records,  that  they  will  impartially,  and  honestly  with- 
out fear,  favor,  or  affection  for  their  own  country,  discharge  all  the 
duties  of  their  sacred  responsibility  and  trust,  according  to  justice 
and  equity,  and  with  sole  and  supreme  regard  to  the  general 
interests  and  welfare  of  mankind. 

§2.  The  Commissioners  shall  divide  themselves,  or  be  divided 
by  their  respective  governments,  at  the  time  of  their  appoint- 
ment, into  two  equal  sections  or  bureaus,  so  arranged  that  both 
continents  shall  be  equally  represented  in  each  section. 

§ 3.  The  place  of  business  of  the  European  Section  shall  be  at 
the  City  of  Paris,  and  of  the  American  Section,  at  the  City  of 
Hew  York. 

§4.  The  two  sections  of  the  Commission,  shall  be  charged 
with  the  general  direction  and  management  of  the  business,  on 
their  respective  continents,  subject  to  such  limitation  in  regard 
to  their  duties,  powers  and  mutual  relations,  and  such  enactments 
in  respect  to  their  organization,  and  the  order  and  formula  of 
their  administration,  as  the  high  contracting  powers,  in  their 
wisdom,  may  prescribe. 

Article  IV. — The  Transit  Routes. 

The  parties  hereto  mutually  agree,  that  they  will  endeavor  to 
obtain,  through  their  Commissioners,  and  by  their  own  good 
offices,  by  cession  or  purchase,  as  hereinafter  provided,  from  the 
Governments  of  Mexico,  Central  America  and  Turkey,  a strip  or 

belt  of  land  not  less  than miles  in  width,  covering  the 

line  of  the  route  or  routes  across  the  Isthmus  sections,  between 
23 


354 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  Oceans,  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
and  the  Persian  Gulf ; such  route  or  routes,  as  the  Commission 
may  determine,  by  a thorough,  scientific  exploration,  to  be  shortest 
and  best,  for  the  purposes  of  international  communication  and 
commerce,  by  railroad,  canal,  and  telegraph ; and  that  such 
territory  shall  be  held  in  trust,  by  their  High  Commission,  for  the 
benefit  of  all  nations,  on  conditions  framed  to  protect  and  secure 
the  just  and  equal  rights  of  all ; and,  that  said  Commission  shall 
be  empowered  to  construct,  equip  and  maintain  such  railroad 
or  canal,  and  telegraph  lines,  and  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the 
same,  in  a manner  designed  solely  to  guard  and  guarantee  the 
impartial  and  honorable  maintenance  of  the  common  welfare, 
and  to  subserve  in  the  highest  degree,  the  interests  of  universal 
peace,  comiherce  and  civilization. 

Article  Y. — The  Treasury. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  agree  to  create  a credit  of 

hundred  millions  of  dollars,  by  an  issue  of  National  Bonds, 

of  each  Government  respectively,  that  may  unite  in  this  Treaty, 
to  the  aggregate  amount  of hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars, guaranteed  by  said  Governments,  payable  within  

years,  and  with  interest  semi-annually,  at  a rate  not  less  than 
that  of  the  most  favorable  loans  of  said  Governments. 

Article  YI. — The  Guaranteed  Bonds. 

The  Bonds  thus  issued,  in  form  and  manner  designating  their 
character  and  object,  shall  be  placed  subject  to  the  order  of  the 
Commissioners,  to  be  disbursed  by  them,  in  their  discretion,  and 
as  the  High  Contracting  Parties  may  direct,  for  the  purchase 
from  the  Governments  concerned,  of  the  required  territory  for 
the  Transit  Routes,  for  the  exploration,  construction,  equipment, 
working  and  repair  of  the  respective  lines,  and  such  expenses  as 
may  be  deemed  requisite,  for  the  promotion  of  their  efficiency, 
and  their  objects  on  the  land  and  on  the  seas. 

Article  YII. — The  Transit  Territory. 

The  entire  territory  that  may  be  secured,  by  cession  or  pur- 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


355 


chase,  together  with  all  that  appertains  to  it ; its  mineral  pro- 
ductions and  its  ports  and  harbors,  shall  be  deemed,  like  the  high 
seas,  the  common  property  of  all  mankind  ; but  the  revenue,  of 
every  kind,  derived  from  tolls,  freight,  fares,  postage,  telegraphs, 
rents,  mines,  natural  productions,  &c.,  is  legitimately  and  properly 
reserved  and  conveyed  by  the  High  Contracting  Parties,  to  their 
High  Commission,  to  be  appropriated  by  them,  to  the  payment 
of  principal  and  interest  of  the  debt  created  for  the  benefit  of  all 
nations  ; and  when  this  reimbursement  shall  have  been  fully 
made,  the  revenues  derivable  from  all  sources,  on  these  great 
highways  of  the  world’s  commerce,  shall  be  reduced  to  a scale 
adequate  simply  to  defray  the  expenses  of  maintenance  and 
administration. 

Article  YIII. — Military  Protectorate. 

It  is  mutually  agreed  that  the  High  Contracting  Powers  unit- 
ing in  this  Treaty,  shall  each  in  turn,  in  the  exercise  of  their 
united  Protectorate  over  these  great  enterprises,  furnish  an  ade- 
quate military  protection  for  the  scientific  survey,  engineering 
work,  and  construction  of  these  transits,  subject  to  the  requisition 
and  control  of  the  commission,  who  shall  be  chargeable  for  its 
expenses. 

Article  IX. — Immigration  and  Jurisdiction. 

The  Commission  shall  be  empowered  to  make  such  arrange- 
ments and  concessions  as  may  be  deemed  expedient  and  desirable, 
to  encourage  immigration  into  the  acquired  territories,  for  the  de- 
velopment of  agricultural  and  mineral  resources ; but  no  discrim- 
inating regulations  shall  be  made  either  in  favor  of,  or  against, 
the  people  of  any  country,  language,  or  race.  But  throughout 
the  entire  territories,  and  as  far  as  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Com- 
mission shall  extend,  all  persons  of  every  nationality  and  race 
shall  be  secure  and  protected  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  rights 
recognized  under  the  flag  of  their  country,  including  freedom  of 
person,  of  opinion,  of  speech,  of  conscience,  and  of  worship,  ex- 
cepting in  punishment  of  crime,  or  in  case  of  violation  of  the 
moral  sense  of  civilized  nations. 


356 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Article  X. — Mineral  Resources. 

The  mineral  resources  of  these  two  Isthmus  Sections  that 
may  be  opened  by  the  explorations  and  labors  of  the  Commission, 
and  the  extension  of  these  highways,  shall  be  equally  accessible, 
and  on  equal  terms,  to  the  scientific  knowledge  and  skilled  labor 
of  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  all  the  high  contracting  parties, 
conformably  with  arrangements  that  may  be  made  with  the  re- 
spective governments  concerned. 

Article  XI. — Time  of  War. 

If  any  of  the  Parties  to  this  Treaty  shall  unhappily  become  in- 
volved in  war  with  each  other,  the  administration  of  both  transits, 
in  order  to  secure  perfect  neutrality  and  impartiality,  shall  be 
committed,  during  the  continuance  of  hostilities,  to  those  mem- 
bers of  the  Commission,  the  Governments  of  which  are  not  engaged 
as  belligerents ; always  providing  that  the  number  shall  be 
equally  divided  between  neutral  Powers  on  each  continent. 

Article  XII. — Commission  of  International  Jurisprudence. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  further  agree,  as  a cooperative 
measure  in  this  great  movement,  to  constitute  a “ Commission  of 

International  Jurisprudence  ” in  number,  composed  of  jurists 

eminent  in  their  knowledge  of  commercial,  maritime,  and  crim- 
inal law,  in  their  respective  countries, members  to  be 

appointed  by  each  Government  respectively,  who  shall  be  charged 
with  the  preparation  of  a code  of  Laws  for  the  government  of  the 
common  territory,  not  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  their  respec- 
tive countries. 

§ 1.  The  code  of  laws  shall  embody  and  state  the  boundaries 
of  the  Territory,  the  extent  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Company, 
its  objects,  powers,  and  franchises. 

§ 2.  Define  the  divisions,  geographical  or  municipal,  that  may 
be  desirable  for  the  works  of  the  company,  the  purposes  of  com- 
merce. the  administration  of  justice,  the  organization  of  police, 
or  the  social  welfare  of  inhabitants. 

§ 3.  Prescribe  the  rights  and  duties  of  all  residents  and  tran- 
sient persons,  while  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Company. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


357 


§ 4.  Indicate  the  Executive  officers  that  may  be  necessary  for 
territorial  administration,  together  with  their  responsibilities  and 
powers. 

The  entire  system  and  administration  of  Laws,  maritime, 
commercial,  criminal,  sanitary,  and  police,  shall  harmonize  with 
those  universal  principles  and  provisions  of  the  “jus  gentium,” 
recognized  in  the  jurisprudence  of  the  great  powers,  and  be  con- 
formed to  the  wants  and  necessities  of  a community,  where  many 
different  nationalities  and  races  must  meet  and  mingle  in  social 
and  commercial  relations,  and  engaged  as  the  representatives  of 
various  and  distant  nations,  in  the  conduct  and  interchange  of  a 
commerce,  that  is  destined  to  transport  and  distribute  to  and  fro, 
the  productions  and  manufactures  of  all  regions  of  the  habitable 
globe. 

Akticle  XIII. — A uniform  System  of  Measures,  Weights , 

and  Money. 

The  High  Commission  shall  he  authorized  and  empowered  to 
investigate  the  whole  subject  of  measure,  weights,  and  money, 
as  affecting  the  interests  of  the  great  international  commerce 
of  the  world ; and  to  introduce  in  the  common  territory,  as  in 
their  discretion  may  be  expedient,  any  system  that  experience  or 
investigation  may  suggest,  as  calculated  to  harmonize,  or  dimin- 
ish existing  differences  in  the  standards  of  measurement  and  val- 
ue ; and  to  establish  with  the  concurrence  of  the  great  maritime 
powers  and  commercial  nations,  at  least  a uniformity  in  the 
standard  of  coinage,  and  a common  unit  of  extension,  weight, 
liquid  and  solid  measure. 

Article  XIX. — Sanitary  Measures  and  Laws. 


358 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ft  & # # -K*  *5fr 

Aeticle  XV. — Cabinets,  Museums , dec. 

In  the  explorations  and  operations  of  the  High  Commission, 
it  shall  be  their  duty  to  make  collections,  as  opportunities  may 
arise,  of  specimens  in  geology,  mineralogy,  natural  history,  an- 
ticpiities,  and  paleontology,  &c.,  in  numbers  sufficient  to  supply  a 
museum  or  cabinet,  of  equal  interest  and  value,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  government  and  people  of  each  of  the  high  contracting 
parties. 

Aetici.e  XVI. — Records  and  Reports  of  Proceedings. 

The  High  Commission  shall  make  aud  preserve  a minute  and 
faithful  account  of  all  their  proceedings  and  transactions ; and 
shall  issue  a bulletin  as  often,  at  least , as  once  a month,  of  such 
facts  and  acts  as  maybe  of  interest  to  the  High  Contracting  Par- 
ties ; and  once  a year  shall  issue  a full  and  detailed  Report  of  all 
the  action  and  results  of  the  Commission.  They  shall  be  author- 
ized to  employ  such  literary  aud  scientific  aid  as  may  be  desira- 
ble, to  embody  in  due  historical  form  and  manner,  the  fruits  of 
discovery  and  exploration,  in  sections  of  the  world  of  so  much 
interest  to  all  mankind  and  for  all  coming  ages. 

The  spirit  of  enterprise  in  our  age,  and  its  grand  achieve- 
ments, suggest  an  extension  of  the  mighty  power  of  the 
combination  of  capital,  scientific  knowledge  and  mechanical 
skill.  The  capital,  science  and  skill  of  single  nations  have 
made  ours,  already,  an  age  of  wonders.  What  might  not 
the  combined  capital,  knowledge  and  skill  of  the  great 
Powers  effect  for  the  welfare  of  mankind  ! What  peaceful 
solutions  of  the  gravest  difficulties  might  be  reached! 
What  strides  in  the  career  of  commerce,  civilization,  and, 
in  the  hopes  of  abiding  “ peace  on  earth  and  good-will  to 
men ! ” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


359 


APPLICATION  TO  CONGRESS — 1866. 

In  furtherance  of  these  views  and  objects,  the  society 
solicited  the  adoption  of  the  following  resolutions,  in  the 
Senate  and  in  the  House,  which  were  agreed  to,  and  or- 
dered to  be  printed. 

March  19,  1867,  Mr.  Banks  submitted  the  following- 
in  the  House : 

TRANSIT  ACROSS  THE  ISTHMUS  OF  PANAMA,  OF  NICARAGUA,  OF  HON- 
DURAS, OR  OF  TEHUANTEPEC. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  be  in- 
structed to  inquire  and  report,  what  measures  have  been  taken 
by  foreign  governments  or  capitalists,  to  secure  the  control,  in  the 
interests  of  rival  nations,  of  any  of  the  routes  or  franchises,  for 
the  transits  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  of  Ricarao-ua,  of 
Honduras  or  of  Tehuantepec  ; and  to  report  what  action,  if  any, 
it  may  be  advisable  for  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 
take,  to  secure  the  interests  of  American  commerce  on  such 
transit  routes. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  be  authorized  and  empowered 
to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  to  take  such  measures  as  they 
may  judge  expedient  and  necessary,  to  collect  and  submit  the 
facts  for  the  information  of  the  government  and  people  of  the 
United  States. 

In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Cameron  submitted  the  following, 
which  were  considered  by  unanimous  consent,  agreed  to, 
and  ordered  to  be  printed  : 

MONARCHIES  IN  AMERICA. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  be  in- 
structed to  inquire  into,  and  report  upon,  the  facts  in  respect  to 
the  designs  of  foreign  Powers,  to  impose  their  systems  of  monar- 
chical government  and  institutions  upon  the  people  of  this  Con- 
tinent, and  what  action,  if  any,  our  government  should  take,  to 
avert  the  inevitable  consequences  of  the  further  prosecution 


360 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


of  such  designs  ; and  to  maintain  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity, 
tlie  fundamental  principles  and  objects  of  the  original  settlers  of 
our  country,  and  the  traditional  policy  of  tlie  fathers  and  foun- 
ders of  the  republic. 

Resolved,  That  the  committee  be  authorized  and  empowered 
to  take  such  measures  as  they  may  judge  expedient,  and  neces- 
sary, to  collect  and  submit  the  facts,  for  the  information  of  the 
government  and  people  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  the  society,  that  an  authorized 
and  responsible  report,  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs  in  the  House,  and  on  Foreign  Relations  in  the 
Senate,  would  spread  before  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  a kind  and  degree  of  information  they  ought  to 
possess.  Nothing  is  to  be  gained,  in  the  future,  of  inter- 
national cooperation  or  comity,  by  hiding  from  our  eyes, 
in  ignorance,  the  long  and  persistent  course  of  foreign 
movements,  in  regard  to  our  country  and  our  institutions. 
The  plain  and  simple  facts,  in  respect  to  the  two  great 
branches  of  tlie  subject,  indicated  in  the  resolutions,  could 
not  fail  to  command  attention,  and  be  of  service  in  de- 
termining the  attitude  the  government  and  people  of  the 
United  States  should  assume,  and  the  policy  they  should 
hereafter  pursue,  in  respect  to  the  governments  and  people 
of  other  lands. 

LETTER  TO  COUNT  WALEWSKY 1866. 

In  June,  1866,  the  President  of  the  society  addressed 
the  following  communication  to  Count  Walewsky  : 

As  President  of  the  American-Asiatic  Society,  I have  been 
requested  at  a meeting  of  its  members,  to  be  the  bearer  of  a 
memorial  from  the  society  to  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  the 
French,  on  a subject  believed  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  France,  to  the  United  States,  and  to  the  world  at  large.  It  is 
my  intention  to  visit  Paris,  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  this 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


361 


memorial,  in  the  early  part  of  July  approaching.  I deem  it  hut 
a proper  courtesy,  to  apprise  your  Excellency,  of  this  intention, 
which  has  for  its  object  the  well-being  of  the  whole  human  race. 

In  July,  Professor  Morse  arrived  in  Paris,  and  in 
August,  was  joined  there  by  another  delegate  from  the 
society,  the  Rev.  Dr.  John  Forsyth,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed with  Dr.  E.  H.  Champlin,  to  assist  in  the  presenta- 
tion abroad,  of  the  great  object  of  their  mission. 

The  following  is  the  memorial  presented  to  the  Em- 
peror Napoleon  : 

MEMORIAL  OF  THE  AMERICAN-ASIATIC  SOCIETY. 

To  His  Imperial  Majesty  Napoleon  III.,  Emperor  of  France, 

1866: 

The  American-Asiatic  Society  would  respectively  memorialize 
your  Imperial  Majesty,  to  exert  the  great  power  which  Divine 
Providence  has  placed  in  your  hands,  with  a view  to  induce  the 
maritime  nations  of  both  hemispheres,  to  consider  the  necessity 
of  an  alliance,  for  opening  grand  international  avenues  of  com. 
merce  through  certain  sections  of  Central  America  and  Asiatic 
Turkey.  As  one  step  towards  this  end,  and  as  a means  of  secur- 
ing simultaneous  action  on  the  American  and  the  Asiatic  Isthmus, 
your  memorialists  would  briefly  present  to  your  Majesty’s  sugges- 
tive mind,  the  idea  of  a scientific  congress,  in  which  all  parties 
interested  should  be  represented,  and  which  should  be  held  in 
Paris  during  the  Exposition  Universelle  of  1867.  Through  a 
commission  previously  appointed  by  your  Majesty,  an  invitation 
could  be  given  to  the  learning  and  the  science  of  the  several 
countries  interested,  to  send  representatives  to  discuss  certain 
closely  related  questions  of  world-wide  importance — e.  g.,  such  as 
the  expediency  of  a new  international  code,  a system  of  interna- 
tional coinage  and  of  weights  and  measures,  of  sanataria  and  the 
prevention  of  pestilence,  the  development  of  the  precious  metals, 
more  direct  lines  of  steamers  between  great  commercial  centres, 
and  new  trunk  lines,  which  may  help  to  develop  the  resources  of 
countries  like  Arabia  and  Eastern  Africa,  which,  abounding  in 


362 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


wealth,  are  now  lost  to  commerce  ancl  civilizatiom  The  govern- 
ments of  France  and  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  others, 
would  be  thus  aided  by  the  combined  science  of  Europe  and 
America,  in  ascertaining  where  reconnoissance  is  most  needed, 
its  special  objects,  and  how  it  can  best  he  accomplished.  At,  the 
same  time,  the  way  may  he  prepared,  for  an  amicable  and  per- 
manent adjustment  of  all  the  interests  concerned  with  the  East- 
ern question  ; and  more  particularly,  all  those  connected  with 
Central  America,  or  the  Western  question,  on  the  basis  of  mak- 
ing the  grand  interoceanic  commercial  highways  perfectly  and 
permanently  free  to  all  nations ; or,  if  this  should  not  he  feasible, 
of  placing  them  under  the  control  of  international  companies. 

As  we  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  most  important  of  these 
topics  have  already  engaged  your  Majesty’s  attention,  your  me- 
morialists would  respectfully  suggest,  that  the  views  of  your 
Majesty,  communicated  in  some  appropriate  way,  would  be  of 
the  utmost  moment,  in  assisting  to  realize  the  objects  set  forth 
briefly  in  this  memorial.  The  reports  and  recommendations  of 
such  a convention  as  is  proposed,  embodied  in  a memorial  to 
the  governments  of  Europe  and  America,  would  prepare  the  way 
for  an  international  congress,  clothed  with  power  to  act  upon  the 
subjects  referred  to  it.  The  American- Asiatic  Society  would 
therefore  respectfully  suggest,  as  a preliminary  to  such  interna- 
tional co-operation,  a scientific  congress,  or  convention,  constitut- 
ed and  meeting  as  above  stated,  and  under  the  Presidency  of 
your  Imperial  Majesty. 

The  only  motive  which  prompts  your  memorialists  to  ap- 
proach your  Imperial  Majesty  with  this  request  is,  our  earnest 
desire  to  advance  the  glory  of  France  and  America,  and  the 
enduring  welfare  of  humanity. 

SAMUEL  F.  B.  MORSE, 
President  of  the  American- Asiatic  Society. 

Thomas  F.  Harrison,  Secretary. 

REPLY  TO  THE  MEMORIAL. 

The  following  is  a translation  of  the  reply  to  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  363 

memorial,  addressed  to  the  President  of  the  society  by 
Baron  Moustier : 

Paris,  Jan.  27,  1867. 

MINISTRE  DES  AFFAIRES  ETRANGERES,  CABINET  : 

Sir — In  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  I am  to  express  to  you,  the 
interest  he  has  found  in  the  remarkable  memorial  you  have  ad- 
dressed to  him.  His  Majesty  has  examined  it,  with  the  attention 
it  deserves,  and  is  pleased  to  recognize  all  the  merit  of  the  pro- 
ject, and  of  the  ideas  which  are  therein  developed.  But  in  view 
of  the"  various  preoccupations  of  the  present  moment,  and  of  the 
activity  in  which  the  Exposition  of  1867  will  engross  all  minds, 
it  is  the  opinion  of  the  Emperor,  that  the  scientific  congress 
which  you  propose,  would  for  the  present,  have  little  chance  of 
usefulness  or  success.  The  Emperor  thinks,  also,  that  if  the 
ideas  presented  in  your  memorial  are  perfectly  matured,  the  plan 
you  have  exhibited  has  not  yet  all  the  precision  and  completeness 
desirable,  in  order  to  secure  at  this  time,  the  favorable  reception 
it  merits.  Such,  sir,  is  the  reply  that  his  Majesty  charges  me  to 
forward  to  you,  expressing  the  hope  of  your  success,  at  a later 
date,  in  an  idea  for  which,  moreover,  he  has  the  highest  sympa- 
thy. I avail  myself  of  this  opportunity  to  beg  you  to  receive  the 
assurance  of  my  most  distinguished  consideration. 

MOUSTIER. 

THE  POLICY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  OF  MEXICO. 

There  are  three  ways  in  which  the  great  problem  of 
interoceanic  communication  may  be  solved.  In  either 
case,  the  interests  of  the  two  republics  lie  in  the  same 
direction. 

First — By  means  of  private  companies  or  corporations. 

Second — By  some  single  nation. 

Third — By  a combination  of  the  leading  maritime  and  com- 
mercial powers. 

It  is  too  late  for  England,  or  France,  or  any  single 
foreign  power,  to  'secure  or  maintain  any  territorial  or 


i 


364 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


commercial  concession,  to  their  exclusive  advantage,  on 
this  continent. 

The  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  in  some  of  its  features  a 
model  for  an  international  treaty,  as  to  Isthmus  transits, 
bars  any  independent  action  of  the  United  States.  The 
alternatives  are,  a private  company ; or,  a combination 
among  the  leading  powers,  to  hold  the  tivo  great  avenues 
of  commerce  and  international  intercourse,  in  trust,  in 
some  form,  for  the  common  benefit  of  mankind ; with  ar- 
rangements for  maintaining  them  in  the  most  efficient  con- 
dition, guaranteeing  their  neutrality  under  all  circum- 
stances ; and  securing  the  free  and  perpetual  enjoyment  of 
them,  for  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  on  equal  terms. 

The  central  position  occupied  by  France,  in  respect  to 
social  and  commercial  intercourse  among  the  nations,  the 
extraordinary  and  very  prominent  interest  her  govern- 
ment and  people  have  taken  in  opening  these  great  tran- 
sits, and  in  developing  the  improvements  which  demand 
them,  render  it  proper  that  she  should  take  an  honored 
part  in  a movement,  which  if  made,  would  undoubtedly 
be  seconded  by  every  other  nation. 

The  principles  and  stipulations  involved  in  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  Treaty,  and  in  the  “ Convention  of  Rivas,”  show, 
plainly,  the  views  and  aims  of  the  two  governments,  which 
thus  sought  to  forestall  any  ascendency  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  over  the  great  American  transit.  All  the 
world  knows  the  course  of  the  same  governments,  to  fore- 
stall each  other,  and  all  other  nations,  in  an  undue  ascen- 
dency over  the  Eastern  transit,  by  the  way  of  the  Isthmus 
of  Suez  Canal  and  the  Euphrates  Valley  Railway.  The 
question  will  yet  be  considered,  why  should  England  or 
France,  or  both  united,  have  the  direction  and  control  of 
the  “ highway  of  the  kings  of  the  East,”  which,  for  a 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


365 


millennium,  was  the  great  thoroughfare  for  the  commerce 
of  the  Old  World.  A direct  railway  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean to  the  Persian  Gulf,  under  the  protectorate  of  the 
leading  commercial  nations,  would  reopen  the  commerce 
of  the  Orient,  on  a scale  that  would  make  all  the  past  history 
of  the  Mediterranean  only  a “ shadow  of  things  to  come.” 
Surpassingly  wonderful,  are  the  discoveries  and  inventions 
of  the  age  in  which  we  live.  Not  less  wonderful,  are  the 
power  and  achievements  developed  by  the  combination  of 
capital,  science  and  skill.  All  nations  now  are  neighbors. 
Soon  every  sovereign  of  earth  can  speak  with  his  fellows, 
in  less  time  than  Pharaoh  could  walk  around  a pyramid. 

The  world’s  highways  belong  to  the  world,  and  should 
be  opened  under  such  protection  and  guarantee,  as  may 
assure  the  rights  of  all.  It  is  not  mere  curiosity  that  asks? 
what  are  to  be  the  principles  and  regulations  of  the  future 
administration  of  the  Suez  Canal,  of  the  Euphrates  Valley 
Railway,  of  any  future  direct  route  from  Joppa,  via  Jeru- 
salem, to  Grane  ? and  who  are  to  control  the  great  tran- 
sits of  the  American  Isthmus  % 

Whatever  may  be  said,  or  claimed,  in  regard  to  the 
free  navigation  of  the  great  rivers  of  the  world,  the  Wolga, 
the  Danube,  the  Rhine,  the  Rhone,  the  St.  Lawrence, 
the  Mississippi,  the  Amazon  ; there  is  no  doubt  about  the 
seas.  The  Baltic,  and  the  Black,  the  Mediterranean  and 
the  Red,  should  be  as  free  and  open  as  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
the  Caribbean  Sea,  or  Pludson’s  Bay. 

The  Marquis  de  Magny  proposed  to  commit  the  guar- 
dianship, the  management  and  control,  of  the  route  from 
the  Mediterranean  Sea  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  its  grand 
complement,  the  transit  of  the  American  isthmus,  to  “the 
brothers  of  the  maritime  company  of  the  religious,  mili- 
tary and  industrial  Order  of  St.  Pius,”  under  the  patron- 


366 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


age  of  Pope  Pius  IX.  The  patrimony  of  the  Pope  would 
then  be,  not  only  the  keys  and  gates  of  St.  Peter,  but  the 
keys  and  golden  gates  of  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

Whatever  course  the  wisdom  of  legislators  may  adopt, 
one  thing  would  seem  to  be  of  indispensable  importance — 
namely,  a thorough  and  complete  scientific  survey , of  both 
these  great  isthmus  sections,  in  a manner  worthy  of  a work, 
in  which  all  nations  are  concerned,  and  in  which,  all  na- 
tions may  well  unite.  Too  many  instances  have  already 
occurred,  in  which  the  track  of  a railway  has  been  divert- 
ed from  its  best  course,  by  the  controlling  influence  of 
some  local  or  private  interest.  A more  thorough  exam- 
ination and  survey  would  have  saved  regrets,  expenditures 
and  mortifications  to  the  living,  and  almost  irretrievable 
disadvantages  entailed  upon  posterity.  In  these  two  in- 
stances, to  which  the  round  world  can  show  no  parallel, 
inviting  enterprises  and  expenditures  involving  hundreds 
of  millions,  and  affecting  the  highest  material  interests  of 
the  human  family,  it  were  certainly  wise,  as  a preliminary 
step,  to  have  such  surveys  of  the  territories,  by  the  very 
best  engineering  skill  of  man,  as  would  guard  against  mis- 
takes and  disappointments. 

The  Asiatic  Society  has  sought  to  secure  the  proper 
action  of  our  own,  and  of  foreign  governments  to  place 
these  great  interests  and  enterprises  on  the  footing  they 
ought  to  occupy.  Some  kind  or  form  of  an  international 
commission,  charged  with  the  work  of  exploration  and 
survey,  of  construction,  maintenance  and  management, 
might  be  devised,  that  would  insure,  as  far  as  human  fore- 
sight can,  the  rights  and  interests  of  nations,  and  inestima- 
ble blessings  to  mankind. 

If  there  be  any  objects  that  concern  the  material  and 
moral  welfare  of  the  human  family,  in  the  four  quarters  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


367 


the  globe,  they  are  the  opening  of  the  two  great  gates  of 
the  hemispheres,  for  the  commerce  of  the  world.  It  has 
been  well  said  of  one  of  them  that  it  would  be  “ the 
mightiest  event  in  favor  of  the  peaceful  intercourse  of 
nations,  which  the  physical  circumstances  of  the  globe 
presents  to  the  enterprise  of  man.” 

It  would  be  difficult  to  divine  the  effects  which  would 
follow  the  other.  The  opening  of  the  highway  between 
Europe  and  Asia,  the  interchange  of  travel  and  commerce 
between  the  six  hundred  millions  of  Asia,  and  the  millions 
of  Europe  and  America,  would  make  Chicagos  spring 
up  in  the  wdlderness  of  Arabia,  and  the  desert  would 
blossom.  All  nations  would  take  a new  point  of  depar- 
ture, and  a new  era  would  ojien  upon  the  race.  Sooner 
or  later,  the  nations  will  combine  for  the  execution  of  such 
gigantic  works  of  common  and  universal  interest. 

It  has  been  stated,  that  the  Emperor  of  China  was 
willing  to  pledge  $80,000,000,  and  coolie  laborers  to  any 
extent,  for  the  opening  of  the  American  Isthmus.  If  six 
of  the  leading  nations  would  unite,  in  constituting  a com- 
mission,  and  each  guarantee  bonds  to  the  amount  of 
$50,000,000  for  fifty  years,  and  purchase  a tract  fifty 
miles  wide  across  our  isthmus,  at  the  best  points  for  canal 
and  railroad ; and  an  equal  width  from  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  to  the  Persian  Gulf,  including  in  it,  the  city  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  open  to  all  nations,  by  rail,  “ the  great  high- 
way 11  to  the  “ city  of  the  great  King,”  free  alike  to  all,  it 
would  certainly  bring  a solution  to  some  great  questions 
that  have  hitherto  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  world. 

There  is  a city,  which  in  some  sense,  belongs  to  our 
race ; for  it  holds  in  its  history,  and  in  its  future,  the  hopes 
and  the  destinies  of  the  family  of  man.  When  its  great 
highway  and  its  peaceful  gates  are  again  opened  to  man, 


368 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


there  will  dawn  upon  the  earth  a new  day  of  “ peace  and 
good  will,” — a new  era  of  commerce,  civilization,  and 
Christianity. 

CHAPTER  III. 

CONCLUSION. 

The  story  of  Mexico  from  the  Conquest  in  1520,  to 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Federal  Republic 
in  1859,  constitutes  a passage  in  the  history  of  nations, 
without  a parallel.  The  limits  of  this  volume  have  not 
admitted  the  introduction  of  many  subjects  that  are  essen- 
tial to  a complete  view  of  the  Mexican  war  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  of  the  life  struggles  of  the  young  Republic. 
Indeed,  the  narrative  has  necessarily  been  restricted  to  a 
very  cursory  sketch  of  great  events,  extending  over  a long 
period  of  time,  but  all  having  an  essential  connexion  with 
the  great  final  result.  Many  topics  have  been  quite  ex- 
cluded, and  many  more  but  very  imperfectly  and  inad- 
equately represented.  But  enough,  it  is  hoped,  has  been 
exhibited,  to  sustain  the  position  it  has  aimed  to  establish. 
It  is  a matter  of  great  regret,  that  the  history  is  thus  cut 
short,  at  the  very  point  where,  for  some  purposes,  it  ought 
to  begin. 

The  establishment  of  the  Constitution,  the  war  of  the 
Intervention,  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Empire,  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Republic,  and  the  new  efforts  of  the  govern- 
ment at  the  Capital  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  Common- 
wealth, the  “ consolidation  of  peace,”  and  the  restoration 
of  all  the  disturbed  functions  and  interests  of  the  interior 
life  of  society,  would  require  extended  narration. 

The  relations  of  England,  F ranee,  Austria,  and  Rome, 
to  the  great  act  of  the  XIXth  Century — great  in  a very 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


369 


different  sense  from  that  in  which  it  has  been  heralded  to 
the  world — would  require  almost  a volume  in  itself. 

The  story  of  the  Intervention,  its  origin,  objects,  pro- 
gress and  defeat  is  a history  of  itself,  which  some  future 
historian  will  doubtless  give  to  the  world. 

The  object  of  the  present  volume  will  appear,  from  a 
brief  recapitulation  of  some  of  the  leading  issues,  great 
difficulties  and  grand  results,  which  have  marked  the 
heroic  struggles  of  the  Mexicans. 

The  leading  issues  may  be  stated,  as, 

1.  Colonial  subjection  to  Spain,  or  National  Indepen- 

dence. 

2.  A Monarchical  Government,  or  a Constitutional  lie- 

public. 

3.  A Spiritual  despotism,  or  religious  freedom. 

4.  Church  and  State  united,  or  separate  and  independent. 

5.  A system  of  ecclesiastical,  and  military,  fueros,  and 

aristocratic  privileges,  or  equal  rights  and  laws  for  all. 

6.  A moneyed  “ church  ” despotism,  holding  half  the 

wealth  of  the  nation,  and  exempted  from  the  burdens 
of  the  State,  or  a just  and  equal  distribution  of  com- 
mon property,  and  of  burdens  necessary  for  the  com- 
mon weal. 

7.  Class  and  caste  prejudices,  imposing  endless  disabilities, 

or  equal  privileges  and  immunities  without  distinction 
of  nationality,  or  race. 

8.  Slavery  or  Freedom. 

9.  Inquisitorial  intolerance,  or  freedom  of  conscience,  of 

opinion,  of  speech  and  of  the  press. 

10.  National  education,  or  national  ignorance. 

11.  Blind  restrictions  upon  international  intercourse  and 
commerce,  or  open  doors  to  the  interchange  of  the 
benefits  of  modem  civilization. 

Such  are  the  leading  issues  which  have  entered  into 
the  Mexican  Revolutions  of  the  last  forty  years. 

24 


370 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


The  enemies  and  difficulties,  the  Mexican  Republicans 
have  had  to  encounter  have  been  : 

1.  The  Power  of  Old  Spain. 

2.  The  Spanish  Colonial  Government. 

3.  The  Mexican  Hierarchy ; "with  all  their  spiritual, 

political,  military,  monetary,  aristocratic,  and  social 
influence  and  power. 

4.  The  military  arm  of  the  Government. 

5.  Diplomatic  intrigue  and  opposition. 

G.  Foreign  commercial  interests. 

7.  The  whole  weight,  moral,  material,  and,  military,  of 

England,  France,  Spain,  Austria,  and  Pome. 

8.  Want  of  education  in  the  masses ; want  of  disciplined 

troops,  and  of  weapons  and  munitions  of  war,  of 
money,  of  officers,  and  of  loyal,  incorruptible  men. 

In  the  face  of  all  these  hostile  elements,  at  home  and 
abroad,  in  the  face  of  all  these  difficulties  and  trials,  what 
have  they  accomplished  ? 

1.  They  have  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  the  mother  country. 

2.  They  have  disenthralled  themselves  of  the  despotism, 

political  and  ecclesiastical,  of  three  centuries. 

3.  They  have  overthrown  the  system  of  fueros  and  class 

monopolies. 

4.  They  have  destroyed  the  tyranny  of  caste. 

5.  They  have  adopted  one  of  the  noblest  Constitutions  for 

a human  Government  ever  framed,  since  the  promul- 
gation of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Hebrew 
commonwealth,  three  thousand  years  ago. 

They  have  modelled  it  after  our  own  immortal  instru- 
ment, and  they  have  improved  upon  it.  In  their  declara- 
tion of  the  rights  of  man,  which  echoes  the  sound  of  the 
trumpet  of  the  Divine  law,  they  proclaim  the  great  funda- 
mental truths,  and  principles  which  mark  the  progressive 
civilization  of  the  age. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


371 


1.  That  the  “ rights  of  man  ” are  the  basis  and  object  of 

Government. 

2.  That  all  are  born  free  in  the  Republic.  Slaves  that 

set  foot  on  their  soil  are  free. 

3.  Education  is  free. 

4.  Professions  and  vocations  in  life  are  free. 

5.  All  compulsory,  unremunerated  labor  prohibited. 

6.  Expressions  of  opinions  are  free. 

7.  The  press  is  free. 

8.  Right  of  petition  guaranteed. 

9.  Voluntary  associations  and  assemblies  free. 

10.  Passport  requisitions  abolished. 

11.  Ro  titles  of  nobility. 

12.  No  special  laws,  nor  tribunals;  no  fueros  nor  mono- 

polies. 

13.  Ro  “ ex-post  facto  ” laws. 

14.  The  domicile  is  sacred. 

15.  ETo  punishments  of  mutilation  or  torture. 

Such  are  some  of  the  principles  for  which  the  patriots 
of  Mexico  have  been  contending.  They  have  struggled 
under  an  accumulation  of  difficulties  and  discouragements, 
such  as  other  nations  have  rarely  encountered.  The  mass 
of  the  population,  oppressed  for  ages,  were  poor,  unedu- 
cated, and  denuded  of  all  the  elements  of  power,  influ- 
ence, wealth,  or  material  resources.  Intelligent,  they  un- 
derstood their  “ inalienable  rights,”  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  and  of  independent  and  constitutional  govern- 
ment. Resolute  and  determined,  with  unalterable  convic- 
tions of  the  ultimate  triumph  of  justice,  with  unbounded 
faith  in  a leader  of  stainless  patriotism  and  incorruptible 
integrity,  they  waged  the  unequal  contest.  Undisciplined 
in  the  arts  of  war,  they  faced  trained  regulars.  Volun- 
teers undrilled,  they  coped  with  the  “ old  guard.”  The 
uprising  people  met  a banded  ecclesiastical  establishment, 
united  as  in  one  solid  phalanx,  with  all  the  accumu- 


372 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


lated  resources  and  prestige  of  ages,  fighting  for  spiritual 
and  political  supremacy,  wielding  all  the  powers  of  the 
political,  religious,  military,  and  civil  organizations  of 
church  and  state.  And  then,  to  crown  the  climax  of 
their  trial,  the  united  governments  of  England  and 
France  threw  the  weight  of  their  moral  influence,  and  all 
the  intimidation  of  their  fleets  and  guns,  in  favor  of  the 
oppressors  and  oppression.  The  threatening  broadsides 
of  foreign  squadrons  in  the  ports  and  harbors  of  the  Gulf, 
and  on  the  Pacific,  frowned  on  the  Republican  cause. 

The  great  powers  recognized  as  a government  “de  facto,” 
the  politico-clerical  cabal,  which  beyond  the  City  of  Mex- 
ico and  a few  central  cities  of  the  Republic,  commanded 
neither  the  recognition,  the  respect,  nor  the  allegiance  of 
the.  nation. 

The  sympathies  and  covert  acts  of  the  diplomatic  corps 
were  neither  disguised  nor  inactive,  in  behalf  of  the  party 
of  the  “ old  regime.” 

Juarez  and  his  ministers,  and  the  illustrious  band  of 
their  co-patriots,  civil  and  military,  sustained  by  the 
masses  of  the  native  population — “ The  People  of  Mex- 
ico,” with  incomparable  prudence,  energy,  and  courage, 
were  enabled  to  surmount  all  the  difficulties  and  compli- 
cations, that  surrounded  them.  The  conviction  is  almost 
irresistible  that  One  mightier  than  all  human  powers  and 
combinations  heard  the  cry  of  the  oppressed,  has  broken 
the  arm  of  the  oppressor,  and  guided  thus  far  the  desti- 
nies, and  preserved  the  liberties  of  Mexico. 

Of  twenty-four  States  of  the  Republic,  Twenty-one 
States  and  one  Territory , with  all  the  Seaports  on  the  At- 
lantic and  on  the  Pacific  coasts , officially  acknowledged 
and  sustained  the  liberal,  constitutional  government,  and 
repudiated  the  other. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


373 


Thus  the  long  contest  from  1810  to  1859;  ended  in  the 
final  establishment  of  the  present  democratic  Republican 
Constitution  of  Mexico. 

The  fearful  episode  in  the  history,  from  1860  to  1869 
— the  Intervention,  the  Empire,  its  overthrow,  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Republican  government,  and  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  Constitution,  only  intensifies  the  appreciation 
due  to  the  work  and  sacrifices  of  Mexico. 

The  most  bitter,  and  the  most  formidable  elements  of 
the  conflicts  of  ages  in  Europe,  were  transplanted  to 
America.  The  direst  elements  of  strife,  the  irreconcilable 
antagonisms  which  had  wrought  havoc  among  the  thrones 
and  empires  of  the  old  world,  seemed  to  meet  and  spend 
their  fury  in  the  Empire  of  the  Aztecs.  The  theatre  and 
the  parties  were  changed,  but  the  principles  involved 
were  the  same.  Instead  of  a Pope,  and  kings,  and 
queens,  and  nobles,  and  serfs,  it  was  a Cortez,  a viceroy, 
a bishop,  a monk,  a priest,  a friar,  and  four  millions  of 
unenlightened  aborigines,  unresisting  and  defenceless, 
save  in  the  might  of  eternal  justice,  and  in  the  aid  of 
that  unseen  power,  that  sees  and  pities,  defends  and  lib- 
erates the  slave. 

The  race  that  had  writhed  and  groaned  for  centuries 
under  remorseless  oppression,  attempted,  to  the  best  of 
their  ability,  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  intolerable  despotism. 
They  have  been  abused,  vilified,  and  denounced  from  one 
end  of  Christendom  to  the  other.  Is  is  true  they  are  In- 
dians. The}7  have  a dark  skin.  Ages  of  bondage  have 
shut  out  almost  the  last  ray  of  knowledge,  and  their 
masters  have  taken  away  its  key.  They  are  ignorant.  A 
paganism  worse  than  their  own,  has  shrouded  their  minds 
in  darkness,  superstition,  and  almost  despair.-  In  their 
struggles  for  freedom,  for  knowledge,  for  self-improvement 


374 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


and  self-government,  instead  of  a word  of  encouragement 
and  cheer,  from  “ men  whose  souls  are  lighted  with  Avisdom 
from  on  high,”  they  have  received,  with  too  few  exceptions, 
the  scorn  and  derision  of  the  world. 

Statesmen  of  England  and  France,  in  Parliament  and 
in  the  “ Chamber,”  have  led  the  hue  and  cry.  The  en- 
lightened journalists  of  London  and  Paris  have  filled  their 
columns  with  abuse. 

The  enemies  of  Mexico  have  indulged  in  every  species 
of  vituperation,  not  of  the  oppressors,  but  of  their  victims. 
There  has  been  little  discrimination  between  the  right  and 
the  wrong ; little  recognition  of  the  claims  of  justice,  or 
the  deserts  of  tyranny ; no  distinction  between  the  princi- 
ples of  a just  government  and  an  execrable  despotism ; 
but  indiscriminate  and  sweeping  denunciation  of  the  vic- 
tims of  almost  every  conceivable  outrage  in  the  violation 
of  human  rights  or  of  divine  law.  Plenty  of  contempt 
and  derision  of  a priest-ridden  people,  but  not  a word  of 
condemnation  for  an  ignorant,  debased,  and  profligate 
priesthood.  Any  amount  of  complacent  detestation  of 
ignorance,  superstition,  vice,  and  wretchedness,  but  not  a 
word  for  that  detestable,  despotic  system  which  occasioned 
and  sustains  it. 

European  haters  of  republican  institutions  and  of  the 
principles  of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  that  are  the  glory 
of  Americans,  have  plied  all  the  arts  of  their  vocation  to 
extinguish  the  kindling  spark  of  liberty  on  Mexican  soil. 
They  point  to  the  shackles  and  fetters  of  the  Atzec  race, 
and  ask  if  they  are  fitted  to  be  free  ! 

From  Europe  to  America,  the  shuttlecock  of  falsehood 
and  slander  has  been  tossed  to  and  fro,  until  the  distinc- 
tions of  truth,  justice,  and  right,  are  lost  in  the  clamor  for 
“ intervention  in  Mexico.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


375 


Books,  pamphlets,  and  papers  repeated,  exaggerated  and 
intensified  the  wrong.  Mexico  and  Brownsville,  Havana 
and  New  York,  Washington.  London  and  Paris,  were  the 
great  centres  from  which  spread  the  foulest  rumors,  the 
most  glaring  falsehoods,  and  the  most  cruel  wrongs. 

THE  FUTURE  OF  MEXICO. 

What,  then,  are  the  hopes  and  prospects  for  the  future 
of  Mexico  ? 

She  awaits  only,  as  President  Juarez  says,  “ The  con- 
solidation of  peace  the  restoration  and  reconstruction 
of  a just  and  equal  government,  and  the  reorganization  of 
society.  She  will  then  enter,  with  the  United  States , on  a 
new  career  of  freedom  and  prosperity.  She  has. 

1.  A country,  in  extent,  with  which  only  one  Empire  in 

Europe  can  compare. 

2.  A geographical  position  among  the  nations,  with  which 

none  other  on  the  earth  can  compare. 

3.  A docile,  plastic  population  of  six  millions,  ready  with 

open  hands  and  hearts,  to  receive  all  the  light  and 
blessings  of  modern  civilization  and  of  a pure  Christi- 
anity. 

4.  Exemption  from  all  political  and  ecclesiastical  domi- 

nation, and  complete  investiture  with  all  the  prerog- 
atives and  powers  of  self-government. 

5.  A form  of  government,  and  a constitution  not  second 

in  excellence,  to  any  other  in  the  world,  not  except- 
ing our  own. 

6.  A President  of  purity  unimpeached ; of  integrity  in- 

corruptible ; of  energy  and  perseverance,  indomi- 
table. 

7.  A cabinet  embodying  men  of  a statesmanship  and 

character,  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  their  nation. 

8.  The  organization  of  the  various  departments  of  govern- 

ment modelled  after  our  own. 


376 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


9.  A declared,  policy,  domestic  and  foreign,  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  government,  in  a manner  designed  to 
secure  the  highest  welfare  of  the  state. 

The  measures  already  initiated  are  a pledge  and 
almost  a guarantee,  that  nothing  shall  be  wanting  to 
build  up  the  fabric  of  social  life,  on  sure  and  permanent 
foundations.  One  of  the  Cabinet,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  has  been  for  eight  years,  the  representative  of 
his  Government  near  our  own,  and  has  discharged  his 
duties  under  the  most  trying  circumstances,  with  an 
ability,  discretion,  and  dignity  worthy  of  any  minister  in 
Christendom.  He  has  won  for  himself  the  esteem  and 
respect  of  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States. 
He  has  studied  with  indefatigable  diligence,  all  the  ma- 
chinery.  and  operations  of  our  Government,  and  has  re- 
turned to  his  own,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  making 
all  his  experience  and  observations  here  of  the  result  of 
over  fourscore  years  of  trial,  subservient  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  institutions  of  his  country. 

But  there  is  yet  a great  work  to  do.  The  difficulties  and 
the  obstacles  are  numerous  and  formidable — enough  to  em- 
barrass the  ablest  and  most  experienced  Cabinet,  There  is, 

1.  The  old  Spanish  monarchical  element,  like  the  old 

tories,  in  the  time  of  our  Revolution. 

2.  The  ubiquitous  “ Church  ” party. 

3.  Ambitious  military  chieftains  of  the  Old  Regime. 

4.  The  representatives  of  foreign  interests,  commercial 

and  otherwise,  still  lingering  in  the  Republic. 

5.  The  distant,  yet  unfriendly  influence  of  Rome,  Austria, 

France,  and  England. 

6.  The  depressed  condition  of  the  masses  of  the  native 

population,  uninstructed  in  a knowledge  of  their 
rights  and  duties  ; inexperience  in  the  exercise  of  the 
rights  of  citizenship,  and  unaccustomed  to  self-gov- 
ernment. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


377 


The  prejudices  of  the  old  political  and  ecclesiastical 
rulers,  the  ignorance  and  superstitions  of  other  classes,  the 
antipathies  of  races,  international  prejudices,  hereditary 
caste  distinctions,  and  the  ambitious  aspirations  of  multi- 
tudes, all  combined,  environ  the  Government  with  per- 
plexities which  demand  consummate  patience,  wisdom  and 
skill.  Then  there  are  those  who  are  always  predicting 
domestic  or  foreign  troubles.  New  European  complica- 
tions, or  aggressions  from  the  United  States,  are  conjured 
up,  to  disturb  the  tranquillity 'and  repose,  which  are  essen- 
tial to  the  restoration  of  the  peaceful  industry,  and  of  the 
prosperity  of  the  Republic. 

There  are  others  who  believe  that  all  these  embarrass- 
ments will  be  overcome ; that  the  Mexican  Government 
and  the  Mexican  people,  will  join  heartily  with  the  Gov- 
ernment and  people  of  the  United  States,  in  a career  of 
just,  equal  and  fraternal  cooperation,  for  the  development 
of  the  resources,  and  the  advancement  of  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  both  nations. 

THE  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  OF  MEXICO. 

The  future  of  Mexico  must  depend  upon  the  relations 
established,  and  the  policy  pursued,  with  foreign  nations. 
China,  even,  can  no  longer  live  in  isolation  from  the  rest 
of  the  world.  Neighborhood  and  good  neighborhood,  are 
alike  the  true  interest  and  policy  of  all  people. 

The  relations  of  Mexico  and  of  the  United  States,  with 
European  Powers,  are  compassed,  at  the  present  time,  with 
grave  and  delicate  considerations.  And  yet,  ft  is  for  the 
welfare  of  the  world,  that  injuries  should  be  forgotten,  and 
mutual  offices  of  good-will  encouraged. 

It  is  perfectly  evident  from  the  statements  of  Mr. 
Lempriere,  the  English  author  of  “Notes  on  Mexico,”  in 


378 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


1861-2,  that  the  whole  course  and  policy  of  the  British 
Government,  of  British  Diplomacy  in  Mexico,  of  her  navy 
and  commercial  marine,  of  her  consular  and  mercantile 
agencies  during  the  last  few  years,  have  been  in  violation 
of  those  principles  of  international  comity  and  good  fel- 
lowship, which  Great  Britain  would  have  been  foremost  to 
resent,  if  she  had  been  the  victim.  The  story  of  the  com- 
plicity of  officers,  of  high  and  low  degree,  smuggling  goods 
in,  and  smuggling  bullion  out,  in  robbery  of  the  lawful 
revenue  of  Mexico,  have  been  discreditable  in  the  highest 
degree.  As  if  the  mightiest  and  wealthiest  nation  on  the 
earth  could  not  be  satisfied  with  the  honest,  legitimate 
yield  of  her  giant  manufactures  and  commerce,  but  must 
pounce  down  upon  an  oppressed  and  enfeebled  race,  strug- 
gling for  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  for  their  national 
existence,  to  rob  them  of  their  lawful  revenue,  deprive 
them  of  the  means  of  self-defence,  and  then  revile  them 
for  their  want  of  success. 

It  was  a deplorable  mistake  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment to  attempt,  in  the  dark  days  of  the  United  States,  to 
enforce  by  violence  an  unjust  claim  upon  Mexico — to 
overpower  the  weak  in  their  struggles  to  obtain  the  birth- 
right of  nations — independence  and  self-government ; 
to  paralyze  their  efforts  to  secure  political,  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty ; and  to  extinguish  the  rising  hopes  of  a 
young  Republic.  It  was  a melancholy  sight  to  see  France 
— the  land  of  La  Fayette,  and  of  a host  of  the  lovers  and 
of  the  martyrs  of  liberty — France,  the  very  name  in  Eu- 
rope, which  has  been  a pioneer  and  watchword  of  freedom 
for  the  nation — France  ! a propagandist  of  despotism  ! 

But,  short-sighted  and  mistaken  as  was  the  policy,  in 
every  point  of  view,  in  no  sense  was  its  failure  more  de- 
plorable than  in  its  commercial  results.  The  three  hundred 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


379 


millions  spent  by  The  French  Government,  tbe  plan- 
ning and  scheming:  of  the  British  Government  and 
aristocracy,  the  contingent  in  money,  men  and  brains,  of 
the  other  powers,  openly  or  covertly  aiding  and  abetting 
the  grand  conspiracy  against  Republican  Governments,  if 
they  had  been  honorably  employed  in  fair,  fraternal  devel- 
opment of  the  boundless  resources  of  the  United  States 
and  of  Mexico,  would,  in  less  than  ten  years,  have  paid 
not  only  the  entire  debts  of  every  American  government, 
but  all  the  debts  of  all  the  governments  of  Europe  ! 

It  would  not  have  been  necessary  to  have  touched  a 
dollar  of  the  surface-wealth — of  any  of  the  productions  of 
the  soil,  or  any  of  the  interests  of  manufactures,  or  or- 
dinary commerce,  but  only  the  inexhaustible  treasures 
that  lie  beneath  the  sod. 

It  is  said  that  Bishop  Simpson  remarked,  on  his  return 
from  a visit,  that  there  was  wealth  enough  in  the  single 
State  of  Nevada  alone,  to  furnish  every  sailor  and  soldier, 
engaged  in  the  war  of  the  Republic,  with  a silver  musket 
and  sword,  and  silver-mounted  appointments  ; to  lay  a 
solid,  silver  railroad  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  with 
a complete  silver  rolling  stock  and  equipment ; and  then, 
leave  enough  to  cover  every  American  monitor  and  iron- 
clad with  a thicker  coat  of  silver  than  they  ever  had  of 
iron ! 

The  history  of  the  English  and  of  the  Spanish  Colo- 
nies in  America,  suggests  striking  resemblances,  and  still 
more  striking  contrasts.  They  have  both  struggled  with 
the  three  great  forms  of  despotism  and  oppression — the 
political,  the  civil,  and  the  religious.  Both  have  resisted 
monarchical  pretensions,  and  claimed  their  God-given 
rights. 

1.  Both  have  struggled  for  national  independence,  and 


380 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


have  established  their  organic  freedom,  in  the  rights  and 
exercise  of  self-government. 

2.  Both  have  repudiated  human  slavery  and  peonage, 
and  have  asserted  and  maintained  the  inalienable  rights 
of  individual  liberty. 

3.  Both  claim  absolute  religious  freedom,  separation 
of  Church  and  State,  freedom  of  opinion,  of  conscience, 
of  speech,  of  worship,  and  of  universal  education. 

All  danger  from  the  first  has  passed  away.  The 
second,  no  power  can  reimpose.  The  conflict  for  the 
third  and  the  last,  is  apparently  settled  in  both  Republics. 
Yet  no  considerate  observer  of  the  signs  of  the  times,  but 
must  notice  the  ground-swell  of  movements  that  forebode  a 
coming  conflict  still. 

But  the  great  mistake  and  crowning  folly  of  all  has  been 
that  of  Rome, — the  absurd  and  impotent  attempt  of  the 
Pope  and  Papal  powers,  to  impose  upon  the  people  of  the 
New  World,  in  the  free  air  of  the  XIXth  century,  the  pre- 
posterous pretensions  of  a thousand  years  ago ; and  to 
reaffirm  and  promulgate,  as  legislation  binding  to-day, 
upon  twelve  hundred  millions  of  the  human  race , and  upon 
all  coming  generations,  down  to  the  “ last  syllable  of  re- 
corded time,”  the  repudiated  dogmas  and  decrees  of  a 
packed  council  of  two  hundred  and  forty-seven  gentlemen, 
three  centuries  ago ! 

But  such  is  the  case.  The  Roman  Catholic  Church 
may  be  the  most  numerous,  the  most  wealthy,  the  most 
powerful  organization  that  ever  existed.  But  she  is  no 
greater  in  our  day,  than  Nebuchadnezzar  was  in  his.  If 
she  plants  herself  on  principles  at  war  with  the  teachings 
and  spirit  of  Christianity,  if  she  defies  the  deepest  philo- 
sophical, political,  mental  and  moral  convictions  of  more 
than  half  of  Christendom,  and  sets  at  nought  the  common 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


381 


sense  of  mankind,  and  says,  “Is  not  this  great  Babylon 
that  I have  built  for  the  house  of  the  Kingdom,  by  the 
might  of  my  power,  and  for  the  honor  of  my  Majesty  ? ” 
the  lament  will  soon  be  heard,  at  least  on  one  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  “ Alas ! that  great  city  Babylon,  that  mighty 
city,  is  fallen  ! is  fallen  ! 11 


THE  POPE’S  NUNCIO  TO  MEXICO. 

In  October,  1861,  Pope  Pius  IX.  sent  his  Nuncio  to  the  Em- 
peror in  Mexico,  with  a letter,  foreshadowing  the  denunciations 
against  republican  principles,  in  his  famous  Encyclical  in  De- 
cember. 

He  reminds  the  Emperor  of  “ his  promise  to  protect  the  Catho- 
lic Church,”  and  conjures  him,  in  the  “name  of  the  faith  and 
piety  of  his  august  family,”  “ in  the  name  of  the  Church,”  of 
which  he  (Pius)  “ was  the  supreme  Chief  and  Pastor,”  “ in  the 
name  of  Almighty  God,”  to  put  his  hand  to  the  work  of  restoring 
what  the  liberals  had  taken  away  ; of  repealing  the  laws  of  re- 
form, “ of  repairing  the  evils  of  the  revolution,”  and  “ of  bringing- 
back  as  soon  as  possible,  the  happy  days  of  the  Church,”  and  of 
the  Catholic  religion,  which  must  above  all  things  continue  to  be, 
the  glory  and  mainstay  of  the  Mexican  nation,  “ to  the  exclusion 
of  every  other  dissenting  worship.”  He  repudiated  all  the  dis- 
tinctive reforms,  and  called  on  the  Emperor,  to  “give  a striking 
example,  to  the  other  governments  in  the  Republics  of  America , 
in  which  similar,  very  similar  vicissitudes  have  tried  the 
Church.” 

THE  POPE’S  ENCYCLICAL. 

Iu  the  Encyclical  letter  of  Pope  Pius  IX.,  December,  1S64,  he 
reiterates  the  denunciations,  by  his  predecessors,  of  the  “ errors 
and  heresies,”  of  modern  civilization  ; and  repeats  his  own  denun- 
ciations, in  his  Encyclical  of  November  9,  1846,  and  his  allocu- 
tions of  December  9,  1854,  and  June  9,  1862.  He  “ condemns 
the  monstrous  and  portentous  opinions  of  the  present  age,”  as 
“ errors  and  heresies  hostile  to  moral  honesty,  and  to  the  eternal 
salvation  of  mankind.”  He  “ admonishes  all  the  sons  of  the 


382 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Catholic  Church  to  shun  these  errors  of  the  age,  as  they  would 
the  contagion  of  a fatal  pestilence.”  He  condemns  “ the  false, 
perverse,  detestable  opinions , that  would  hinder  and  banish  the 
salutary  influence  which  the  Catholic  Church  by  the  institution 
and  command  of  her  Divine  Author,  ought  f reel]/  to  exercise , even 
to  the  consummation  of  the  world,  not  only  over  individual  men , 
but  over  nations , peoples  and  sovereigns He  characterizes  as  a 
“ totally  false  notion  of  social  government,”  “ that  erroneous 
opinion,  most  pernicious  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  to  the  sal- 
vation of  souls,”  “ called  by  our  predecessor,  Gregory  XVI.,  in 
his  Encyclical,  August,  1832,”  the  insanity ,”  that  “ liberty  of  con- 
science, and  of  worship  is  the  right  of  every  man  ! ” and  “that 
this  right,  in  every  well-governed  State,  ought  to  be  asserted  and 
maintained  by  the  law,”  “ and  that  the  citizens  possess  the  right,” 
“to  publish  and  put  forward  openly,  all  their  ideas  whatsoever, 
either  by  speaking,  in  print,  or  any  other  method.”  “It  is  the 
liberty  of  perdition,  to  be  free  to  human  arguments,  to  discuss  : ” 
that  some  dare  to  proclaim,  “ that  the  will  of  the  people,  mani- 
fested by  public  opinion,  as  they  call  it,  or  by  other  means,  con- 
stitutes a supreme  law : ” “ and  make  common  cause  with  the 
falsehoods  of  the  heretics,  in  declaring  that  the  religious  orders 
have  no  right  to  exist,”  and  “by  impious  opinions,  these  false 
teachers  endeavor  to  eliminate  the  teaching  and  influence  of  the 
Catholic  Church  from  the  instruction  and  education  of  youth  ; ” 
“ and  that  the  Catholic  clergy  should  be  deprived  of  all  partici- 
pation in  the  work  of  teachiug  and  training  the  young,” — “ pre- 
sume with  extraordinary  impudence , to  subordinate  the  authority 
of  the  Church  and  of  this  Apostolic  See,  to  the  judgment  of  civil 
authority  ; ” — “ that  the  excommunications  launched  by  the 
Council  of  Trent,  and  the  Roman  Pontiffs  against  those  who 
invade  and  usurp  the  possessions  of  the  Church  and  its  rights,” 
are  only  “ to  attain  a mere  earthly  end,”  “that  the  right  of  the 
Church  is  not  competent  to  restrain  with  temporal  penalties , the 
violators  of  her  laws,”  “ and  that  it  is  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  theology,  and  of  public  law,  for  the  civil  government 
to  appropriate  property  possessed  by  churches,  the  religious  or- 
ders, and  other  pious  establishments.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


383 


In  virtue  of  lier  “ plenary  power,  to  guide,  to  supervise  and 
govern  the  Universal  Church,”  and  of  “ his  Apostolic  authority, 
he  reprobates,  denounces  and  condemns  generally,  and  particu- 
larly, all  these  evil  opinions  and  doctrines,”  and  desires  them,  “ to 
be  reprobated,  denounced  and  condemned  by  all  the  children  of 
the  Catholic  Church.” 

The  last  stronghold  of  human  despotism  is  in  that 
power  which  thus  claims  supremacy,  not  merely  over  the 
organization  of  human  society,  and  the  governmental 
principles  and  agencies  of  a nation’s  life ; not  merely 
over  the  personal  freedom,  labor,  and  service  of  men,  but 
over  the  human  soul , the  life  within.  It  claims  a throne 
— God’s  throne, — in  every  man’s  heart,  and  arrogates  to 
itself  a sovereignty  over  his  thoughts,  his  opinions,  his 
conscience,  faith,  worship,  final  destiny,  and  eternal  salva- 
tion. 

In  view  of  the  foregoing  reiterated  assertion  of  the 
principles  and  purposes  of  the  Papal  power,  who  shall  say 
that  we  have  not  yet  a fiercer  war  to  wage  for  human 
rights,  than  the  world  has  ever  seen  ? The  last  great  bat- 
tle between  despotism  and  freedom  may  be  yet  to  come. 

The  battle  array,  on  the  one  side,  is  the  “ Army  of  the 
Nations,”  who  claim  the  “rights  of  man  ; ” on  the  other, 
that  old  traditional  despotism  of  Rome — the  consolidated 
organization  of  a thousand  years.  Its  origin,  history,  dis- 
cipline, wealth,  and  power  are  known.  Its  principles  and 
present  attitude  of  defiance  are  loudly  proclaimed  to  the 
world. 

It  is  the  grand  pronunciamento — not  of  a “Church” 
party  in  Mexico,  against  a handful  of  Republicans 
resolved  there  “ to  do  or  die,” — but  it  is  the  pronuncia- 
mento of  the  Great  Hierarchy  of  the  Earth,  against  all 
the  great  principles  of  modern  civilization.  Republican- 


384 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


ism  to-day,  is  a synonym  for  “human  rights.”  It  means 
human  eights,  political,  civil,  religious,  educational,  com- 
mercial, in  America,  in  Mexico,  in  Spain,  in  Great  Brit- 
ain, all  over  the  world. 

It  is  vain  to  close  our  eyes  against  the  number  and 
designs  of  its  enemies.  They  can  neither  be  cloaked  nor 
concealed. 

But  notwithstanding  all  the  foregoing  complications, 
difficulties,  and  antagonisms,  it  is  inexpressibly  desirable, 
that  all  modern  nations  should  lay  aside  the  sword,  and 
vie  with  each  other,  hereafter,  in  the  promotion  of  the 
peaceful  arts  and  industries  of  life,  and  the  universal 
spread  of  civilization  and  Christianity. 

THE  UNITED  STATES. 

As  for  their  policy,  whatever  it  may  be,  fellowship 
and  good  feeling  are  not  to  be  promoted  by  ignoring  the 
stubborn  facts  of  history,  in  regard  to  the  animosities  and 
hostile  designs  and  efforts  of  foreign  nations.  They  should 
be  known,  that  we  may  be  on  our  guard. 

In  respect  to  Great  Britain,  the  course  and  policy  of 
her  government  and  aristocracy  are  somewhat  compensa- 
ted by  the  staunch  sympathy,  in  the  day  of  our  struggle, 
of  her  “ toiling  millions.”  They  are  now  marching  on,  to 
share  with  us,  the  blessings  of  a wider  liberty  and  a more 
diffused  prosperity. 

In  respect  to  France,  the  United  States  will  never  for- 
get the  France  of  seventy  years  ago,  nor  the  old  tradi- 
tional ties  that  bind  the  two  nations. 

The  following  is  an  interesting  reminiscence  of  what 
France  did  for  us.  (Sparks’  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris, 
vol.  i.  p.  380,  Jefferson’s  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  191.) 

“ The  whole  amount  advanced  to  the  United  States,  by  the 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


385 


Court  of  France,  during  the  war  of  Independence,  was  18,000,000 
livres.  Part  of  this  was  generously  offered  as  a “ don  gratuit,” 
but  it  was  accepted  only  as  a loan,  and  by  a convention  between 
Count  Vergennes  and  Franklin,  signed  on  the  16th  July,  1782, 
it  was  agreed  that  interest  at  5$  should  be  paid  on  it,  from  the 
day  of  the  conclusion  of  peace.” 

“ The  French  Government  became  responsible  also  for  other 
debts  of  the  United  States,  contracted  in  Holland  and  elsewhere, 
amounting  to  16,000,000  livres,  so  that  the  whole  American  debt 
to  France,  at  the  commencement  of  1784,  was  34,000,000  livres 
tournois.  Most  of  this  bore  interest  at  5$,  and  was  to  be  repaid, 
at  intervals,  after  a delay  of  twelve  years.” 

“At  the  close  of  1789,  M.  Hecker  being  sorely  pressed  for 
money,  made  indirect  propositions  to  the  American  Government 
for  an  immediate  repayment  of  this  loan  at  a great  discount. 
These  propositions  were  not  accepted.  ‘ Washington,’  then 
President,  said,  ‘ Justice  and  honor  require  that  our  debt  to 
France  should  be  fully  paid,  and  that  we  should  in  no  wise  profit 
by  the  temporary  embarrassment  of  her  finances.’  ” 

“ A law  of  Congress  was  immediately  passed,  appropriating 
money,  and  authorizing  a new  loan  in  Holland  for  the  early 
acquittal  of  this  sacred  debt.  The  repayments  were  commenced 
dii  the  3d  December,  1790,  and  before  the  events  of  the  10th 
August,  23,717,639  livres  had  been  paid.” 

“ The  sympathy  and  gratitude  towards  Louis  XVI.  which 
existed,  and  which  still  exists,  in  the  United  States,  are  not  con- 
fined to  the  unfortunate  King.” 

“ That  nation  which  is  ever  ready,  to  succor  the  oppressed,  and 
which  prefers  generous  ideas  to  material  interests,  must  ever 
possess  the  admiration  of  freemen,  and  above  all,  the  grateful  re- 
membrance of  Americans.” 

The  proclamation  of  the  First  Consul  has  made  an 
impression  that  cannot  be  obliterated : ,, 

“ Washington  is  dead!  This  great  man  fought 
against  tyranny.  He  has  established  the  liberty  of  his 
country.  Ilis  memory  will  ever  be  dear  to  the  French  Na- 
25 


386 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


tion,  as  to  every  freeman  of  the  two  worlds ; and  especially 
to  the  French  Soldiers,  who  like  him , and  the  American 
Warriors,  fought  for  liberty  and  equality. 

“ In  consequence  of  which,  the  First  Consul  commands, 
that  for  the  space  of  ten  days,  black  crape  shall  be  hung 
upon  all  the  standards  and  colors  of  the  Republic 

George  Sumner  said,  in  1847,  to  Lamartine: 

<{  The  debt  of  American  gratitude  is  due  to  the  whole  French 
Nation,  but  the  desire  to  individualize,  if  I may  so  say,  the  ex- 
pression of  that  gratitude,  has  caused  the  names  of  three  French- 
men to  be  graven  on  every  American  heart — the  names  of  La 
Fayette,  Louis  XVI.,  and  Vergennes.  And  if  this  trinity  of 
the  well-beloved  be  completed  by  one  whose  actions  were  less 
prominent — whose  services  less  known  to  fame — than  those 
of  the  other  two,  it  is  that  Vergennes  was  the  first  friend 
America  found  among  those  having  authority  with  Louis  XVI. 
It  was  he  who  staked  his  reputation  as  a minister  upon  the  suc- 
cess of  her  struggle — he  who  proposed  always  generous  aid  to  her 
cause,  and  he,  who,  in  his  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Ameri- 
can Ministers — Franklin  and  Jefferson,  showed  always  a loyal 
and  honorable  spirit.” 

“ At  the  present  day,  the  American  pilgrim  who  comes  to  Ver- 
sailles, to  visit  that  monument  dedicated  to  1 All  the  glories  of 
France,’  pauses  in  a more  humble  temple — the  Church  of  Notre 
Dame — and  offers  there  his  tribute  of  affection  and  respect  at  the 
tomb  of  Vergennes — at  the  tomb  of  that  Fi’enchman  who,  sway- 
ing the  counsels  of  his  sovereign,  and  having  influence  over  the 
opinions  of  the  nation,  never  forgot  to  be  generous  and  just  to 
America.” 

general  policy  of  the  united  states. 

The  following  article  is  from  the  pen  of  an  eminent 
American  author,  whose  views  represent  the  sentiments  of 
a large  circle  of  the  most  intelligent  American  citizens. 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


387 


“ It  seems  desirable  that  there  should  be  some  formal,  distinct 
and  authoritative  announcement  to  the  following  effect,  of  the 
attitude  which  the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States 
should  henceforth  assume  and  maintain  before  the  world.” 

“ 1.  That  the  principle  of  government  adopted  for  themselves, 
by  the  American  people,  is  to  commit  the  direction  of  public  af- 
fairs to  the  general  intelligence,  good  sense,  and  understanding 
of  tlieir  own  interests , possessed  by  the  whole  population,  instead 
of  entrusting  this  power  to  the  supposed  superior  knowledge  and 
ability  of  privileged  classes,  or  families.  To  this  end,  it  is  our 
plan  to  afford  every  member  of  the  community,  the  means  of 
coming  to  a proper  understanding  of  his  rights  and  his  interests, 
as  affected  by  the  measures  cf  government  and  by  the  laws,  and 
then  to  elect  governmental  officers,  both  legislative  and  executive, 
whose  province  it  is,  not  to  frame  and  determine  upon , themselves , 
the  public  policy  to  be  pursued,  but  to  devise  and  mature  the 
best  means  for  carrying  into  effect  the  policy  desired  by  the 
people. 

“ 2.  That  while  we  are  satisfied  that  this  system  is,  for  us,  the 
wisest,  the  safest,  the  most  just,  and  the  most  promotive  of  the 
general  happiness,  we  have  no  wish  to  urge,  or  even  to  recom- 
mend the  adoption  of  it,  by  any  other  people.  We  desire  to 
leave  every  community  free,  without  any  interfei’ence,  direct  or 
indirect,  on  our  part,  to  adopt  such  a system  for  themselves,  as 
they  may  find  most  consonant  with  their  ideas  or  their  traditions, 
and  most  conducive  to  their  interests, — having  no  wish  that  our 
system  should  be  adopted  by  any  other  people,  except  so  far  as 
they  find  by  their  observation  of  its  effects,  that  it  is  promo- 
tive of  the  general  peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness.” 

“ 3.  In  respect  to  questions  which  may  hereafter  arise,  of  the 
union  of  other  political  communities  with  ours,  inasmuch  as  no 
such  union  is  possible  under  our  system,  except  on  the  condition 
of  granting  to  the  people  thus  admitted,  their  full  share  of  power 
in  the  government  of  the  whole  country,  we  do  not  consider  that 
the  incorporation  of  any  foreign  state  into  our  system,  is  to  be  re- 
garded in  the  light  of  an  acquisition  of  territory,  inuring  chiefly 
to  the  benefit  and  aggrandizement  of  this  government ; but  rather 


388 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


as  the  admission  of  an  outside  party  to  a participation  in  the  ben- 
efits of  a great,  powerful  and  prosperous  comhination.  We  ask 
for  no  such  unions  of  foreign  communities  with  ours,  on  our  own 
account ; but  if  hereafter,  any  other  community,  whether  its  terri- 
tory be  conterminous  with  ours  or  not,  shall  desire  on  their  account 
to  be  admitted  to  our  system,  we  shall  consider  the  proposal  with 
every  disposition  to  comply  with  it ; provided,  it  shall  be  found 
safe  for  us  to  do  so,  as  well  as  advantageous  for  them.  This  cau- 
tion will  be  necessary,  since  any  people  so  admitted  into  the 
union,  come  into  possession  of  a very  important  share  of  power, 
in  respect  to  our  own  rights  and  interests.  The  union  of  a politi- 
cal community  with  the  United  States,  is  a very  different  thing 
from  the  annexation  of  a temtory  to  a kingdom.  In  the  latter 
case,  an  annexed  territory  comes  under  the  control  of  a govern- 
ment. In  the  former,  an  admitted  population  comes  into  the 
possession  of  a power.  A new  state,  received  into  this  union, 
will,  thereafter,  exercise  as  great  a power,  over  the  present  states, 
in  proportion  to  her  population,  as  the  present  states  over  her. 
The  people  of  the  British  provinces  to  the  north  of  us,  for  exam- 
ple, have  no  voice  whatever  in  the  government  of  the  British  em- 
pire. The  relation, — so  far  as  they  are  connected  with  the 
government  of  the  empire  at  all,  is  one  cf  subordination  and  sub- 
jection on  their  part.  Whereas,  if  they  were  admitted  to  this 
union,  their  senators  and  representatives  at  Washington,  would 
have  an  equal  voice  with  those  of  the  oldest  states,  in  regulating 
the  interests  and  directing  the  policy  of  the  whole  country.” 

“ 4.  While  we  thus  disavow  all  intention  or  wish  to  recom- 
mend, directly  or  indirectly,  our  system  of  government  to  the 
adoption  of  other  nations,  or  to  seek,  on  our  own  account,  any 
enlargement  of  the  present  union,  we  earnestly  desire  to  be  on 
friendly  terms  with  all  the  other  nations  of  the  earth  ; to  cultivate 
the  most  free  and  the  most  extensive  commercial  and  social  inter- 
course with  them ; and  to  cooperate,  so  far  as  it  may  lie  in  our 
power,  in  all  plans  and  measures  for  promoting  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  all  mankind.  To  this  end,  we  attach  special 
interest  and  importance  to  the  means  now  in  course  of  develop- 
ment, in  various  parts  of  the  world,  for  opening  new  channels  of 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


389 


commerce,  and  perfecting  new  modes  of  international  communi- 
cation. We  believe  that  these  improvements  have  a most  pow- 
ful  and  salutary  influence  in  promoting  a good  understanding 
among  the  various  races  and  nations  of  the  earth,  and  in  advanc- 
ing the  general  welfare ; and  we  are  on  our  part,  desirous  of  co- 
operating with  other  governments  in  effecting  such  improvements, 
by  every  means  in  our  power.” 

THE  GENERAL  POLICY  OF  MEXICO. 

The  following  anecdote  is  one  of  many  which  illus- 
trates the  spirit  of  the  President  of  the  Republic,  and  it 
is  believed,  of  his  cabinet.  As  long  as  the  policy  of  Mex- 
ico is  under  the  inspiration  of  such  men,  we  may  hope 
well  for  the  future. 

In  January  1857,  the  President  and  Cabinet  left  the 
city  of  Durango,  on  their  way  to  the  capital.  On  reach- 
ing Sombrete,  they  were  met  by  delegation  after  delega- 
tion, and  by  crowds  of  men,  women,  and  children,  as  if 
the  whole  city  had  come  out  to  welcome  him. 

“President  Juarez,”  says  an  eye-witness  of  the  scene, 
“ I noticed,  as  in  nearly  all  his  speeches,  admonished  the 
people  that  it  would  not  be  the  conclusion  of  their  efforts, 
when  they  should  be  freed  from  the  French.  Then  comes 
the  ‘ consolidation  of  peace.’  Avoid,”  said  he,  “ civil  dis- 
sensions, and  cultivate  harmony  and  obedience  to  the 
laws.” 

At  the  principal  building  of  the  place,  where  the  Pres- 
ident was  received,  the  people  had  spread  a French  flag 
on  the  pavement,  over  which  whoever  entered  the  build- 
ing, had  to  walk.  I did  not  observe  the  President  as  he 
went  in;  but  walking  out  with  the  Minister  of  War, 
General  Ygnacio  Mejia,  I observed  that  he  avoided  step- 
ping on  it  as  much  as  possible.  One  of  the  principal  cit- 
izens of  the  place  also  noticed  it,  and  exclaimed,  “ You 


390 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


do  not  tread  upon  the  French  flag.”  “I  admired,”  says 
the  eye-witness,  “ his  noble  manner.” 

“ It  is  the  French  Emperor,  not  France  that  makes 
war  upon  us.  France  is  Republican  at  heart , and  will 
soon  lead  the  van  in  republicanizing  the  Old  World,  while 
we,  in  connection  with  the  United  States,  will  republican- 
ize  the  Few.  That  flag  represents  the  French  people,  and 
will  yet  assert  its  republican  rights;  let  us  therefor,  res- 
pect it  in  that  light d 

Let  not,  then,  Juarez,  nor  his  cabinet,  nor  Romero 
be  discouraged.  Rome  was  not  built  in  a day.  And 
“ time  ” that  “ respects  nothing  but  what  time  creates,” 
will  sooner  or  later  vindicate  their  principles  and  crown 
their  labors  with  success. 

THE  MUTUAL  INTERESTS  OF  THE  TWO  REPUBLICS. 

If  the  views  and  statements  of  this  volume  are  cor- 
rect, the  two  Republics  have  a common  cause,  mutual 
relations,  and  identical  interests. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  American  will  seek  to  repeat 
the  Texas  outrage  on  the  rights  of  Mexico ; and  urge  the 
present  feebleness  of  the  Republic,  as  an  occasion  for  the 
further  unwilling  dismemberment  of  her  territory.  If 
any  doubt  the  wrong  of  1846,  let  him  read  Dr.  Chan- 
ning’s  letter  to  Henry  Clay. 

It  were  better  for  the  United  States  to  say  unto  her 
younger  sister,  “ We  will  give  you  our  best  monitor  and 
iron-clad ; we  will  give  you  a whole  arsenal  of  weapons 
and  munitions  of  war ; indeed  we  will  lend  you  our  La 
Fayettes,  and  if  it  be  necessary,  one  of  our  six  and  thirty 
Stars,  till  your  conflict  is  over,  rather  than  avail  ourselves 
of  your  dark  and  trying  day,  to  take  a rood  of  your 
soil.” 


MEXICO  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


391 


“We  will  repay  to  you,  with  interest,  more  than  we 
ever  sought  or  obtained  from  France,  in  the  struggles 
of  our  infancy.” 

By  such  a course,  no  doubt,  any  desirable  re-arrange- 
ment of  boundary,  as  between  two  neighboring  and 
ifienclly  Republics,  would  be  settled  with  credit  and 
honor  to  all  concerned. 

But  the  future  of  Mexico  is  uncertain.  It  may  be 
that  all  the  Santa  Annas  of  Mexico  are  not  dead : that 
the  Masons  and  Slidells  of  the  Republic  are  still  intrigu- 
ing abroad,  or  plotting  treason  at  home  ; that  a disap- 
pointed and  desperate  hierarchy  are  still  throwing  their 
toils  over  some  venal,  military  traitor,  to  induce  him  to 
betray  his  country,  and  pronounce  once  more  against  its 
noble  Constitution,  and  initiated  system  of  Government 
and  law. 

But  it  should  be  remembered  that  we  had  our  Arnold, 
our  Burr  and  Blennerhassett.  That  our  Washington  had 
a price  set  upon  his  head.  There  is  a head  in  Mexico 
now,  that  would  command  a larger  bounty  in  Europe  to- 
day. It  may  be,  even  now,  that  some  foreign  hireling 
may  be  prowling  around  the  purlieus  of  the  Mexican 
Capital,  plotting  there  to  avenge  with  the  poniard  or  the 
bullet,  the  fate  of  the  fallen  Empire. 

But  let  not  the  Mexican  Patriots  be  discouraged. 
Their  work  is  great.  The  reconstruction  of  a government, 
the  regeneration  of  a race,  the  establishment  of  a new  and 
mighty  People,  in  the  very  centre  of  the  great  modern 
movements  of  commerce  and  civilization,  is  worthy  of 
all  their  labors,  their  sacrifices  and  their  woes. 

Let  them  take  cheer  from  the  words  of  Lincoln,  “ The 
Republic  of  Mexico  must  rise  again  ! ” 


